{"id":9859,"date":"2011-08-10T08:08:46","date_gmt":"2011-08-10T07:08:46","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=9859"},"modified":"2011-08-10T08:08:46","modified_gmt":"2011-08-10T07:08:46","slug":"sokol-sadushi-ne-sekretet-e-gjykates-kushtetuese","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/sokol-sadushi-ne-sekretet-e-gjykates-kushtetuese\/","title":{"rendered":"Sokol Sadushi \u2013 N\u00eb sekretet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"Nga: Lorenc Vangjeli<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim p\u00ebr Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese dhe raportet e saj me politik\u00ebn n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nga nj\u00eb prej protagonist\u00ebve t\u00eb institucionit. Cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dekade t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve me toga t\u00eb zeza dhe qeverisjeve n\u00eb vend, nga sherret p\u00ebr prokuror\u00ebt e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm tek marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr uj\u00ebrat me Greqin\u00eb, nga heqja e d\u00ebnimit me vdekje tek mbikalimi i Zogut t\u00eb Zi.<\/p>\n

Sokol Sadushi<\/strong>, p\u00ebr 13 vjet an\u00ebtar i k\u00ebsaj gjykate, thot\u00eb se dh\u00ebnia e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb l\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur nj\u00eb pal\u00eb, por duhet t\u00eb bind\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt. \u201cFatkeq\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb nuk ndodh n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nuk ndodhi as n\u00eb vendimmarrjen e kolegjit Zgjedhor p\u00ebr Tiran\u00ebn dhe as 10 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb vendimmarrjen e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese n\u00eb zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb asaj kohe\u201d, thot\u00eb Sadushi n\u00eb rr\u00ebfimin e tij t\u00eb pazakont\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201csekretet\u201d publike t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese<\/p>\n

Rrall\u00eb, por ndodh! Ndodh rrall\u00eb q\u00eb gj\u00ebrat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb profesion, nj\u00eb individ t\u00b4i b\u00ebj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb mosh\u00eb fare t\u00eb re dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb mosh\u00eb fare t\u00eb re, t\u00b4i duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb nga ato zgjedhje q\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb jet\u00ebn dhe ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb jet\u00eb. Sokol Sadushi ishte vet\u00ebm 35 vje\u00e7 kur ju desh t\u00eb merrte, mes shum\u00eb dilemash, vendimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen e tij profesionale.<\/p>\n

Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb ishte avokatia e dh\u00ebnia m\u00ebsim n\u00eb universitet dhe autor\u00ebsia e teksteve themelore t\u00eb jurisprudenc\u00ebs dhe nga ana tjet\u00ebr, veshja e tog\u00ebs s\u00eb zez\u00eb t\u00eb gjykat\u00ebsit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese. Ismail Lleshi dhe Fehmi Abdiu, ish-deputet\u00eb socialist\u00eb, dol\u00ebn garant p\u00ebr profesionalizmin e Sadushit dhe m\u00eb pas, nj\u00eb telefonate e kryeministrit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, pothuaj moshatarit t\u00eb tij Pandeli Majko, njoftoi p\u00ebrzgjedhjen politike ish-prokurorit dhe avokatit Sadushi dhe m\u00eb pas, nuk pati shum\u00eb histori: ai dekretohet nga ish-presidenti Meidani dhe votohet n\u00eb Kuvendin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb si nj\u00eb nga an\u00ebtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb institucionit q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si garant i Kushtetut\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb pas, nj\u00eb nga detyrat e para q\u00eb ju caktuan si an\u00ebtar i trup\u00ebs gjykuese ishte relator p\u00ebr pajtueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb me Kushtetut\u00ebn t\u00eb d\u00ebnimit me vdekje. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, duhet t\u00eb vazhdonte apo jo shteti t\u00eb vriste individ\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs apo e drejta e jet\u00ebs ishte mbi gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr. Sot, 13 vjet m\u00eb pas, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb ngjan e tejkaluar, por n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, n\u00eb vitin 1998, ky ishte nj\u00eb debat q\u00eb vet\u00eb politika e kishte t\u00eb pamundur ta zgjidhte dhe g\u00ebshtenja e nxeht\u00eb u nxorr nga zjarri me duart e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb gjykat\u00ebs kushtetuese. At\u00ebher\u00eb ndodhi dhe p\u00ebrplasja e par\u00eb e madhe me politik\u00ebn, nj\u00eb segment i t\u00eb cil\u00ebs, madje, kur shqiptohej vendimi, kishte organizuar dhe nj\u00eb protest\u00eb p\u00ebrpara gjykat\u00ebs. P\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb forcoheshin me kalimin e koh\u00ebs deri n\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr shkrirjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

13 vjet m\u00eb pas, gjykat\u00ebsi Sadushi afron p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim eskluziv p\u00ebr revist\u00ebn MAPO t\u00eb fshehta t\u00eb parr\u00ebfyera q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur mbas dyerve t\u00eb mbyllura t\u00eb insititucionit t\u00eb tij. P\u00ebrplasjet me qeverit\u00eb socialiste, p\u00ebrplasjet me qeverit\u00eb e Doktor Berish\u00ebs, proceset e bujshme q\u00eb nga ai i heqjes s\u00eb d\u00ebnimit me vdekje, tek shkarkimi i Prokuror\u00ebve t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, nga \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Mbikalimit t\u00eb Zogut t\u00eb Zi e deri tek marr\u00ebveshja e uj\u00ebrave me Greqin\u00eb dhe ligji p\u00ebr lustracionin. Sadushi \u00ebsht\u00eb kritik p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn dhe m\u00eb i rezervuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb sotmen, por kritika e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb sotmen, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn p\u00ebr rolin q\u00eb pati sistemi i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb procesin zgjedhor t\u00eb 8 majit, \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu e lidhur me kritik\u00ebn ndaj t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

\u201cDh\u00ebnia e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nuk i k\u00ebnaq kurr\u00eb pal\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb proces, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e trishtueshme nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi q\u00eb nuk bind apo q\u00eb bind vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb pal\u00eb. Dhe nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rregull dhe jo p\u00ebrjashtim, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq\u201d, thot\u00eb ai duke ju referuar s\u00eb paku dy vendimeve t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb harkun e nj\u00eb dekade p\u00ebr proceset zgjedhore, 2001-2011.<\/p>\n

Normalisht, qeverisja e \u00e7do ngjyre \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cklient\u201d i gjykimeve t\u00eb Kushtetueses, por shumica qeveris\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb dhe zgjedh trup\u00ebn e gjykat\u00ebsve. Gjykoni se ka nj\u00eb mosp\u00ebrputhje n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, sepse ngjan se ju detyroheni t\u00eb b\u00ebheni, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb term t\u00eb zhargonit t\u00eb p\u00ebrditsh\u00ebm, mosmir\u00ebnjoh\u00ebs ndaj saj?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Esht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, terminologjia juaj, n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn doktrinare etiketohet si \u201cparimi i mosmir\u00ebnjohjes\u201d ndaj atij q\u00eb t\u00eb ka zgjedhur. Caktimi i nj\u00eb gjyqtari t\u00eb lart\u00eb apo gjyqtari kushtetues kalon domosdoshm\u00ebrisht n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet filtrit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb mekanizmit t\u00eb em\u00ebrimit t\u00eb tyre, q\u00eb zakonisht \u00ebsht\u00eb politik. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ve\u00e7orie, shpesh dyshohet se pikpamjet e gjyqtar\u00ebve, n\u00eb lidhje me interpretimin ligjor dhe kushtetues, kan\u00eb tendenc\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta me ata q\u00eb i zgjedhin. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, kufizimi kohor i mandatit t\u00eb gjyqtar\u00ebve p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr arsye q\u00eb ata t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb vijim\u00ebsi t\u00eb trysnuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e tyre, pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit. Pra, nj\u00eb lloj preference e politik\u00ebs ndaj kandidatur\u00ebs s\u00eb gjyqtarit kushtetues sigurisht q\u00eb nuk shmanget, por kjo nuk n\u00ebnkupton se gjyqtari duhet t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohet zgjedh\u00ebsit.<\/p>\n

Performanca e nj\u00eb gjykate kushtetuese nuk varet nga fakti se shumica qeveris\u00ebse zgjedh gjyqtar\u00ebt, por nga ata q\u00eb veshin mantelin e gjyqtarit. Prandaj dhe \u201cparimi i mosmir\u00ebnjohjes\u201d ndaj atij q\u00eb b\u00ebn zgjedhjen, i p\u00ebrdorur kaq gjer\u00ebsisht nga studiuesit konstitucionalist\u00eb, merr vler\u00eb p\u00ebr ruajtjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb gjyqtarit kushtetues. Sa dhe si ka ndodhur nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri? Esht\u00eb her\u00ebt q\u00eb ta them un\u00eb personalisht nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb von\u00eb q\u00eb mungon nj\u00eb debat i mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb profesional p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb kujtoni p\u00ebrplasjet me qeverit\u00eb socialiste n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn 1998-2005, cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb proceset m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebrball\u00eb saj?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb ushtrimit t\u00eb funksionit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb kushtetuese, Gjykata ka qen\u00eb e detyruar t\u00eb sillet me legjislacionin n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pafavorshme apo kund\u00ebrshtuese p\u00ebr d\u00ebshirat e shumicave parlamentare dhe t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb. Periudha p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin pyesni nuk dallohet p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrballje t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr me mazhoranc\u00ebn qeveris\u00ebse. Arsyet lidhen sa me munges\u00ebn e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoje jurisprudenciale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj gjykate, aq dhe me mos vendosjen e saj p\u00ebrpara presionit p\u00ebr nisjen e nj\u00eb gjykimi kushtetues, qoft\u00eb nga opozita e koh\u00ebs, po aq dhe nga subjekte e tjer\u00eb legjitimues.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb opozit\u00eb e fort\u00eb mund ta vendos\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese p\u00ebrball\u00eb sfidave, duke e v\u00ebn\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb prov\u00ebn e legjitimitetit, por opozita e koh\u00ebs, duke kund\u00ebrshtuar politikisht dhe duke mos njohur shumic\u00ebn e institucioneve t\u00eb vendit n\u00eb at\u00eb periudh\u00eb, pak ose shum\u00eb pak ka tentuar ta ver\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje gjykat\u00ebn. Nj\u00eb arsye tjet\u00ebr ishte dhe impakti jo pozitiv q\u00eb la gjykata tek opozita p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb saj n\u00eb procesin zgjedhor t\u00eb vitit 2001. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb, shpallja si antikushtetues i dekretit t\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs dhe e vendimit t\u00eb Kuvendit p\u00ebr shkarkimin e Prokurorit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm shkaktoi nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb paprecedent p\u00ebr realitetin shqiptar, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet q\u00ebndrimeve politike t\u00eb disa funksionar\u00ebve t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n

Pati at\u00ebher\u00eb deri dhe thirrje p\u00ebr shkrirjen e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese dhe presione nga m\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshmet, t\u00eb cilat u shoq\u00ebruan dhe me dor\u00ebheqje t\u00eb bujshme, si n\u00eb rastin e kryetarit t\u00eb Kuvendit Namik Dokle. P\u00ebr ironi t\u00eb fatit, interpretimi p\u00ebrfundimtar q\u00eb Gjykata Kushtetuese i b\u00ebri dispozitave kushtetuese, evidentoi mang\u00ebsi t\u00eb theksuara n\u00eb aktet baz\u00eb, mbi t\u00eb cilat kryheshin procedurat parlamentare dhe ato, bind\u00ebn m\u00eb pas deputet\u00ebt t\u00eb ushtronin nism\u00ebn legjislative p\u00ebr amendimin e Rregullores s\u00eb Kuvendit. Nj\u00eb zgjidhje e till\u00eb d\u00ebshmonte p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj vendimmarrje kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Si e gjykoni sot, nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb m\u00eb pas, p\u00ebrfshirjen e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese n\u00eb procesin zgjedhor t\u00eb vitit 2001, kur ende sot kjo gjykat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn akuz\u00eb se ka shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb mandate pa t\u00eb drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb? Dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn optik\u00eb, si do ta gjykonit veprimtarin\u00eb e Kolegjit Zgjedhor n\u00eb vendimmarrjen p\u00ebr Tiran\u00ebn?<\/strong>
\nDh\u00ebnia e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nuk i k\u00ebnaq kurr\u00eb pal\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb proces, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e trishtueshme nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi q\u00eb nuk bind apo q\u00eb bind vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb pal\u00eb. Dhe nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rregull dhe jo p\u00ebrjashtim, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq. T\u00eb dy rastet q\u00eb citoni, bashkohen n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, as publiku dhe besoj, as pal\u00ebt, nuk jan\u00eb bindur as at\u00ebher\u00eb dhe as k\u00ebsaj here. Duke th\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, nuk i hyj thelbit t\u00eb vendimeve, por si qytetar, edhe pse pjes\u00eb e sistemit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, b\u00ebj pjes\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb shumic\u00eb d\u00ebrmuese t\u00eb publikut q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i pak\u00ebnaqur nga dh\u00ebnia e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e par\u00eb, me Kodin Zgjedhor t\u00eb vitit 2000 Gjykata Kushtetuese u vendos n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion disi t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb p\u00ebr rolin q\u00eb i ngarkonte Kushtetuta. Ajo u caktua, si e vetmja gjykat\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e pavlefshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb zgjedhjeve dhe t\u00eb verifikimit t\u00eb rezultateve t\u00eb tyre. Parashikimi n\u00eb Kodin Zgjedhor i kompetenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, jo vet\u00ebm dukej si zgjidhje e pamenduar mir\u00eb, por implikonte nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00eb ngarkes\u00ebn e paprecedent p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjykat\u00eb kushtetuese, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shqyrtuar rreth kat\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje n\u00eb dit\u00eb p\u00ebr afro nj\u00eb muaj, ajo nuk arriti t\u00eb bind\u00eb as faktorin vendas dhe as at\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr zgjidhjet q\u00eb i dha disa prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve. N\u00ebse do t\u2019i rikthehesha sot disa prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb asaj periudhe, sigurisht q\u00eb do t\u00eb reflektoja nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr qasje. Pak a shum\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta histori \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe n\u00eb rastin e Kolegjit Zgjedhor dhe vendimmarrjen p\u00ebr Tiran\u00ebn. Po ju p\u00ebrs\u00ebris vendosm\u00ebrisht: vendimet e tij nuk bind\u00ebn as t\u00eb fituarit, as t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuarit. N\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, t\u00eb humburit e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb jan\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb nuk marrin drejt\u00ebsi dhe dyshojn\u00eb n\u00eb legjitimitetin e atyre q\u00eb i drejtojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sa jan\u00eb zbatuar vendimet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, q\u00eb teorikisht jan\u00eb t\u00eb detyrueshme p\u00ebr t\u00b4u zbatuar. Po ju sjell n\u00eb v\u00ebmendje dy raste, duke ju pyetur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb direkte, si quhet sot Prokurori i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm dhe kush ka paguar p\u00ebr prishjen e Mbikalimit t\u00eb Zogut t\u00eb Zi?<\/strong>
\nN\u00ebse vihet n\u00eb dyshim zbatimi i vendimeve t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, at\u00ebher\u00eb kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e vet\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs, se sa nj\u00eb defekt i funksionimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. Sa her\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim zbatimi i nj\u00eb vendimi t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, problematika e tij ka lidhje me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb mprehta t\u00eb politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ekzistenca e nj\u00eb gjykate kushtetuese t\u00eb fuqishme dhe aktiviste, e autorizuar ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb shfuqizuar ligjet q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me formulimet kushtetuese, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ku evidentohet nj\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje e past\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet dy autoriteteve t\u00eb larta \u2013 shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebs dhe shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb gjykat\u00ebs kushtetuese. Nuk pranohet leht\u00ebsisht q\u00eb shumica e gjykat\u00ebs kushtetuese \u2013 minimumi i t\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb me pes\u00eb gjyqtar\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb jet\u00eb ajo q\u00eb e di ose e kupton m\u00eb sakt\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebn nga shumica e parlamentit. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu ndodh.<\/p>\n

Dimensioni politik i kontrollit kushtetues njihet si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e debatueshme, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb angazhimit t\u00eb gjykat\u00ebs kushtetuese n\u00eb linj\u00ebn e politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes dhe t\u00eb ligjb\u00ebrjes. \u00cbsht\u00eb pushteti q\u00eb zot\u00ebron, si gjykata ashtu dhe gjyqtar\u00ebt kushtetues, q\u00eb i b\u00ebn ata n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konstante subjekte t\u00eb sulmeve t\u00eb quajtura politike. Gjykata kushtetuese ka detyrimin, n\u00eb rradh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, t\u00eb bind\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb se vendimet e saj nuk kan\u00eb konsiderata politike, por bazohen n\u00eb standardet dhe vlerat kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Vendimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen \u201cRakipi\u201d q\u00eb detyronte parlamentin p\u00ebr t\u00eb rishqyrtuar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb procedur\u00ebn e shkarkimit t\u00eb ish Prokurorit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb ende i pazbatuar. Ai vendim p\u00ebrb\u00ebn sot e k\u00ebsaj dite nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si nuk duhet t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. \u00c7\u00ebshtja tjet\u00ebr e mbikalimit t\u00eb Zogut t\u00eb Zi, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb krahas zgjidhjes q\u00eb i b\u00ebri mosmarr\u00ebveshjes nd\u00ebrmjet pushtetit qendror dhe qeverisjes vendore, ka pasuruar doktrin\u00ebn kushtetuese shqiptare duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb kontribut thelb\u00ebsor mbi elaborimin e parimeve kushtetuese t\u00eb decentralizmit t\u00eb pushtetit dhe t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb vendore. Ky vendim nuk listohet n\u00eb vendimet e pazbatueshme t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj gjykate, p\u00ebr arsye se \u00e7\u00ebshtja e d\u00ebmit financiar t\u00eb shkaktuar nga shembja e k\u00ebsaj vepre me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi publike, nuk ka qen\u00eb objekt i gjykimit kushtetues, por i gjykimit t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me qeverisjen e partis\u00eb demokratike, sa vendime t\u00eb saj apo t\u00eb Kuvendit jan\u00eb shpallur si antikushtetuese nga Gjykata?<\/strong>
\nN\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, veprimtaria e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese nuk ka qen\u00eb e leht\u00eb sidomos kur merr parasysh ndjeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb politike t\u00eb epok\u00ebs s\u00eb tranzicionit, shqet\u00ebsimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm politik t\u00eb parlamentit dhe natyr\u00ebn tejet t\u00eb politizuar t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb vendos\u00eb. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet disa vendimeve tep\u00ebr t\u00eb guximshme, Gjykata Kushtetuese ka p\u00ebrmbushur misionin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin \u00ebsht\u00eb ngarkuar nga Kushtetuta, duke kontribuar fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb konsolidimin e nj\u00eb demokracie funksionale e n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kontributi i saj n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ka qen\u00eb vendimtar, si n\u00eb rastin e vendimit p\u00ebr heqjen e d\u00ebnimit me vdekje apo dhe kur i k\u00ebrkohej nga ekzekutivi t\u00eb zgjidhte nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje komplekse n\u00eb raportin nd\u00ebrmjet Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs dhe Bashkimit Europian p\u00ebr q\u00ebndrimin ndaj Statutit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Penale. Vendimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese i shtatorit t\u00eb vitit 2002, i krijoi leht\u00ebsit\u00eb e nevojshme parlamentit shqiptar p\u00ebr ratifikimin e k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, q\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb situat\u00eb pozitive n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtimit t\u00eb hapjes s\u00eb negociatave me Bashkimin Europian, por pa cenuar n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e shk\u00eblqyera me Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb reagim t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt dhe me q\u00ebndrime mjaft kritike ka shfaqur politika kur Gjykata Kushtetuese gjat\u00eb shqyrtimit t\u00eb pajtueshm\u00ebris\u00eb me Kushtetut\u00ebn t\u00eb ligjit \u201cP\u00ebr past\u00ebrtin\u00eb e figur\u00ebs s\u00eb funksionar\u00ebve t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs publike dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhurve\u201d (i quajtur ndryshe ligji i lustracionit), evidentonte shqet\u00ebsimin serioz q\u00eb krijonte p\u00ebr parimin e ndarjes dhe t\u00eb balancimit t\u00eb pushteteve ndryshimi apo kufizimi me ligj i kompetencave t\u00eb disa organeve kushtetuese. P\u00ebrfundimi n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin arriti Gjykata Kushtetuese mbi ligjin p\u00ebr lustracionin, ishte n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjat\u00ebsi vale me faktorin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, i cili vler\u00ebsonte vendimmarjen kushtetuese si nj\u00eb kontribut i ndjesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr arritjen e \u201cnj\u00eb demokracie funksionale n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs.\u201d<\/p>\n

Koha ka v\u00ebrtetuar se vendimet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb shkaktuar kund\u00ebrshtit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur m\u00eb pas prej vet\u00eb politik\u00ebs, si mjet p\u00ebr p\u00ebrligjen e q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb saj n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje analoge. K\u00ebshtu, pavar\u00ebsisht debateve t\u00eb nxehta q\u00eb shkaktuan n\u00eb terrenin politik shqiptar vendimet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese t\u00eb vitit 2002, q\u00eb interpretonin procedurat e shkarkimit t\u00eb Gjyqtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, t\u00eb Gjyqtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs s\u00eb Lart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Prokurorit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, mazhoranca parlamentare\u2026<\/p>\n

\u2026 e disa viteve m\u00eb von\u00eb, i p\u00ebrdori si argument p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrligjur procedur\u00ebn e shkarkimit nga detyra t\u00eb Prokurorit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm. Gjithashtu nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr vendim i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, q\u00eb interpretonte kufijt\u00eb kushtetues t\u00eb komisioneve hetimore parlamentare, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk rresht\u00ebn kritikat nga politika e koh\u00ebs p\u00ebr cenimin q\u00eb, sipas saj, i b\u00ebhej parimit t\u00eb supermacis\u00eb s\u00eb parlamentit, po sh\u00ebrben ende, si referenc\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja kahet e politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrligjur q\u00ebndrimet e ndryshme q\u00eb ato mbajn\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2009. Pik\u00ebrisht, ekzistenca e q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb tilla kaq kontradiktore, n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme dhe ndaj t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs vendimmarrje kushtetuese, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes dhe p\u00ebr legjitimitetin n\u00eb ngritje t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Keni kthyer mbrapsht marr\u00ebveshjen e uj\u00ebrave me Greqin\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb kujtoni nga ky proces dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha, si jurist, gjykoni se kush ka firmosur p\u00ebr t\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb ishte pjes\u00eb e ndonj\u00eb procesi tjet\u00ebr penal?<\/strong>
\nShqyrtimi dhe shpallja si t\u00eb papajtueshme me Kushtetut\u00ebn t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes nd\u00ebrmjet Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Greqis\u00eb \u201cP\u00ebr delimitimin e zonave p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse t\u00eb shelfit kontinental dhe zonave t\u00eb tjera detare\u2026\u201d p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shembullin m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb integritetit q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion kushtetues, kur p\u00ebrballet me interesa madhore t\u00eb vendit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrafsh shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb se ai komb\u00ebtar. \u00c7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb sensibilitet t\u00eb lart\u00eb, sidomos nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, nuk lidhen thjesht\u00eb dhe vet\u00ebm me pasjen nga trupa e gjyqtar\u00ebve t\u00eb koncepteve t\u00eb qarta p\u00ebr Kushtetut\u00ebn e vendit, por me vizionin q\u00eb ata krijojn\u00eb dhe me synimin q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb legjitimitet institucionit q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb funksionet e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Kjo vendimmarrje me legjitimitet kushtetues \u00ebsht\u00eb para s\u00eb gjithash dhe nj\u00eb veprim me mjaft dometh\u00ebnie p\u00ebr aktor\u00ebt e politik\u00ebs shqiptare, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb din\u00eb se drejt\u00ebsia kushtetuese \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rradh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pushtet i gjyqtar\u00ebve dhe se rregullat jan\u00eb pron\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb e jurist\u00ebve se sa e politik\u00ebs. Ky vendim, p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si u morr, p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn sesi u p\u00ebrpilua, i b\u00ebn nder jo trup\u00ebs s\u00eb gjykat\u00ebsve, por besoj t\u00eb sotmes dhe t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb tagrin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ndodhte n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm penal. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje q\u00eb i duhet drejtuar organit t\u00eb prokuroris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga vendimet e fundit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs ishte rasti Beqja, i cili u detyrua t\u00eb ler\u00eb mandatin e deputetit. Ka pasur paralelisht nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme nga PS-ja e cila implikonte nj\u00eb num\u00ebr deputet\u00ebsh t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn media e ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb 15 numrin e deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb djatht\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb mandat t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb n\u00eb Kuvend, cili \u00ebsht\u00eb komenti juaj?<\/strong>
\nNuk mund t\u00eb komentoj nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, q\u00eb ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shpallur, por nga pyetja juaj marr shkas p\u00ebr t\u00eb evidentuar penges\u00ebn q\u00eb i krijon Kushtetuta pakic\u00ebs parlamentare p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb objekt shqyrtimi n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese konstatimin e rasteve t\u00eb papajtueshm\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb ushtrimin e funksionit t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve, n\u00eb rast se shumica e Kuvendit nuk bindet n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkese t\u00eb till\u00eb. Ky rregullim kushtetues q\u00eb i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb vet\u00ebm shumic\u00ebs parlamentare p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebrguar n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese vendimin p\u00ebr konstatimin e faktit t\u00eb papajtueshm\u00ebris\u00eb, krijon nj\u00eb lloj ng\u00ebr\u00e7i n\u00eb pushtetin e pakic\u00ebs parlamentare. Nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr rastin Beqja mund t\u00b4ju them vet\u00ebm di\u00e7ka: vendimi im ishte pjes\u00eb e pakic\u00ebs, mendova ndryshe nga koleg\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkuan l\u00ebnien e mandatit t\u00eb zotit Ilir Beqja.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga: Lorenc Vangjeli P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim p\u00ebr Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese dhe raportet e saj me politik\u00ebn n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nga nj\u00eb prej protagonist\u00ebve t\u00eb institucionit. Cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dekade t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve me toga t\u00eb zeza dhe qeverisjeve n\u00eb vend, nga sherret p\u00ebr prokuror\u00ebt e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm tek […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,4],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-9859","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj","7":"category-intervista"},"yoast_head":"\nSokol Sadushi \u2013 N\u00eb sekretet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/sokol-sadushi-ne-sekretet-e-gjykates-kushtetuese\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Sokol Sadushi \u2013 N\u00eb sekretet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga: Lorenc Vangjeli P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim p\u00ebr Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese dhe raportet e saj me politik\u00ebn n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nga nj\u00eb prej protagonist\u00ebve t\u00eb institucionit. 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