{"id":8134,"date":"2011-05-17T10:07:26","date_gmt":"2011-05-17T09:07:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=8134"},"modified":"2011-05-17T10:07:26","modified_gmt":"2011-05-17T09:07:26","slug":"personaliteti-i-kombit-dhe-sfida-e-sotme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/personaliteti-i-kombit-dhe-sfida-e-sotme\/","title":{"rendered":"Personaliteti i kombit dhe sfida e sotme"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\nArdian Ndreca<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nacionalizmi shqiptar -Nacionalizmi asht njiprej fenomeneve moderne ma t\u00eb pakapshme nga pik\u00ebpamja<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

konceptuale, mbasi ai nd\u00ebrron pamje dhe form\u00eb, tue kalue prej gjendjes s\u00eb ngurt\u00eb, n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb langshme e t\u00eb gazt\u00eb, tue shkaktue shp\u00ebrthime entuziazmi, disa heresh mjaft t\u00eb rrezikshme, rreth t\u00eb cilave ngrohen demagog\u00ebt dhe megaloman\u00ebt e rastit. Tipari themelor i k\u00ebtij fenomeni asht energjia q\u00eb rrezaton, e kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb pozitive ose negative, n\u00eb mvar\u00ebsi t\u00eb q\u00ebllimit.
\nE. Hobsbawm, tue ndjek\u00eb linj\u00ebn marksiste, ka ve\u00e7ue nji lloj nacionalizmi pozitiv, – at\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn 1830-1870 themeloi shtetet kombtare n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, – prej nji lloji negativ, atij t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl e “periferik\u00eb”, psh. t’atyne q\u00eb kishin vuejt n\u00ebn Perandorin\u00eb osmane dhe q\u00eb prej 1870 e deri n\u00eb 1914 e mbajt\u00ebn n\u00eb kamb\u00eb Europ\u00ebn me ahengun e arm\u00ebve. Ky dallim, sot i papranuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb arbitraritetit konceptual, rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrihet prej ndonji nostalgjiku t\u00eb teoris\u00eb s\u00eb Hobsbawm-it, me q\u00ebllimin me shp\u00ebrfill l\u00ebvizjen kombtare q\u00eb \u00e7oi Shqipn\u00edn drejt pamvarsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Nacionalizmi shqiptar, i cili i ka parapr\u00ee formimit t\u00eb kombit ton\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb i rranjosun prej 1878 e k\u00ebtej n\u00eb dy elementa dallues, tek gjuha dhe tek etnia, dhe, i udh\u00ebhequn prej nji ideje politike, ka sh\u00ebrbye p\u00ebr krijimin e shtetit ton\u00eb, me t\u00eb mirat e t\u00eb metat e veta.
\nMegjith\u00eb p\u00ebrbuzjen e Engelsit dhe Leninit p\u00ebr popujt e vegj\u00ebl, populli yn\u00eb mb\u00ebrrijti me krijue nji shtet dhe nji nd\u00ebrgjegje kombtare, e madje tregoi se ishte n\u00eb gjendje me krijue nji unitet politik t\u00eb atill\u00eb sa me i rezistue n\u00eb vitin kritik 1920 rrezikut q\u00eb i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohej prej t\u00eb huejve.
\nNacionalizmi i fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb
\nEdhe k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit kan\u00eb nji nd\u00ebrgjegje kombtare t\u00eb fort\u00eb dhe shpeshher\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuese. Grek\u00ebt e lasht\u00eb, edhe pse ishin shpik\u00ebsit e demokracis\u00eb, mbeteshin n\u00eb kandv\u00ebshtrimin demokratik shovinista “ante litteram”, ngaq\u00eb trajtonin jogrek\u00ebt si barbar\u00eb, si t\u00eb padenj\u00eb me g\u00ebzue t\u00eb drejtat qytetare, t\u00eb cilat ata ia njihnin plot\u00ebsisht ve\u00e7 vetvetes. Grek\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm, tue qen\u00eb krejt ndryshe prej atyne t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb Sokratit, kan\u00eb edhe ma pak arsye me qen\u00eb p\u00ebrbuz\u00ebs ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve.
\nEdhe sllav\u00ebt kan\u00eb nji identitet t\u00eb fort\u00eb kombtar dhe etnik, madje me ngjyrime raciale. L\u00ebvizjet e tyne pansllave n\u00eb ‘800, u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn me e vu shtetin n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb kombit, tue e kthye politik\u00ebn e shteteve sllave n\u00eb nji mjet k\u00ebrc\u00ebnues ndaj josllav\u00ebve. Ky lloj nacionalizmit asht pag\u00ebzue prej filozofes Hannah Arendt tek “Zanafilla e totalitarizmit” si nacionaliz\u00ebm tribal, mbasi ia merr frym\u00ebn shoqnis\u00eb dhe ia mohon pakicave, me pan-sllavizmin e vet gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs, \u00e7do mund\u00ebsi shprehjet.
\nKa 20 vjet q\u00eb Shqipnia p\u00ebrballet me nji nacionaliz\u00ebm grek t\u00eb pafr\u00e9 dhe instrumental, i cili p\u00ebrfaqsohet n\u00eb dy m\u00ebnyra: politikisht n\u00eb parlamentin shqiptar dhe jopolitikisht prej nji pjes\u00eb t\u00eb kish\u00ebs ortodokse. Ajo \u00e7ka i mungon k\u00ebtij nacionalizmi asht nji p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim intelektual i mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb. Kjo ndoshta p\u00ebr merit\u00ebn e intelektualve t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb minoritar\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk bien n\u00eb grack\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj ideologjie.
\nPra, problemi kryesor i nacionalizmit grek n\u00eb Shqipni lind prej faktit se ai asht i politizuem dhe nuk ka nji p\u00ebrmbajtje kulturore, por mbledh dhe shpreh vet\u00ebm k\u00ebrkesa politike, provokuese, shpeshher\u00eb t\u00eb nji natyre antikushtetuese.
\nNuk njohim as edhe nji vep\u00ebr artistike apo letrare t\u00eb prodhueme prej k\u00ebtij nacionalizmi n\u00eb k\u00ebto 20 vjet! Nuk kemi pa asnji tubim t\u00eb rand\u00ebsish\u00ebm kulturor q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb shpalos\u00eb vlerat e pakund\u00ebrshtueshme kulturore, q\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr pasunin\u00eb e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebtyne ngulimeve mbrenda kufinit politik shqiptar! Dy apo tre ministra t\u00eb pangjyr\u00eb n\u00eb qeverit\u00eb e k\u00ebtyne viteve, kan\u00eb sh\u00ebrbye p\u00ebr gramatur\u00ebn e ekuilibrave politike shqiptare, por nuk i kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb asnji dobi konkrete bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb grekofone.
\nAskush nuk mund t\u00eb mohoj\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e shtetasve shqiptar\u00eb me prejardhje greke: t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn me p\u00ebrdor\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e tyne t\u00eb origjin\u00ebs, me u mbledh\u00eb, me pas\u00eb shkolla etj. K\u00ebto gjana ua ka njoht\u00eb edhe E. Hoxha, i cili madje i mbante aq af\u00ebr sa u jepte vende drejtuese n\u00eb parti, poste t\u00eb rand\u00ebsishme n\u00eb ushtri dhe n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn shtetnore. Minoritar\u00ebt mbanin shum\u00eb ma tep\u00ebr poste zyrtare se disa shtresa qytetar\u00ebsh, q\u00eb edhe pse ishin puro shqiptare, vinin prej krahinave q\u00eb s’paraqitnin besueshm\u00ebnin\u00eb e duhun politike p\u00ebr diktatorin.
\nShqiptar\u00ebt jan\u00eb krenar\u00eb deri n\u00eb tepr\u00ed, por s’bojkotojn\u00eb kultur\u00ebn e nji populli si grek\u00ebt apo fqinj\u00ebt tjer\u00eb. Mjaft t\u00eb ndez\u00ebsh radion dhe televizionin dhe n\u00eb \u00e7do or\u00eb t\u00eb dit\u00ebs, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb polifonis\u00eb labe, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund t’i krenohemi bot\u00ebs, apo n\u00eb vend t\u00eb kang\u00ebve t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta kor\u00e7are apo gjirokastrite, ndigjon qyrravitje sentimentale me ndikim t\u00eb hapun grek apo oriental. Shqiptar\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb paragjykime p\u00ebr kultur\u00ebn greke, madje jan\u00eb gati t\u00eb braktisin vlerat e veta, n\u00eb ket\u00eb rast muzikore, p\u00ebr me p\u00ebrqafue ato t\u00eb fqinj\u00ebve. Problemi lind kur prania greke, civile apo kishtare, ka pretendime politike q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb baza reale dhe kalojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb marrdhanjeve normale mes fqinj\u00ebsh.<\/p>\n

Shekulli XXI: ball\u00eb p\u00ebr ball\u00eb apo krah p\u00ebr krah!
\nEdhe nacionalizmi shqiptar ka ngjyrime politike, ose ma mir\u00eb me than\u00eb, p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime politike. Themi “p\u00ebrdoret”, pse asht shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb me mendue se ata q\u00eb drejtojn\u00eb sot Shqipn\u00edn dhe Kosov\u00ebn mbajn\u00eb flamurin e nacionalizmit kulturor dhe qytetar shqiptar. M\u00e2 s\u00eb shumti mund t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb se ata mbajn\u00eb vet\u00ebm nji ombrell\u00eb kuq e zi, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn p\u00ebrpiqen me u mbrojt\u00eb prej st\u00ebrpikjeve mediatike.
\nAta p\u00ebrdorin kombin, ndjenjat kombtare p\u00ebr me mbrojt\u00eb vetveten, si pal\u00eb politike e si persona privat. Ky keqp\u00ebrdorim ka sjell si pasoj\u00eb largimin dhe t\u00eb velunit e shum\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve prej ides\u00eb s\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb dhe normale t\u00eb kombit.
\nNji shembull. Kur politika shqiptare pagzon nji rrug\u00eb, t\u00eb randomt\u00eb p\u00ebr Europ\u00ebn e sotme, “rruga e kombit”, n\u00eb nji koh\u00eb q\u00eb akuzat p\u00ebr vjedhjen e fondeve t\u00eb saja randojn\u00eb mbi ministra t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, kjo gja bahet p\u00ebr me k\u00ebrkue nji legjitimim kombtarist q\u00eb t\u00eb ekuilibroj\u00eb munges\u00ebn e theksueme t\u00eb ligj\u00ebshm\u00ebnis\u00eb.
\nMandej, apelimi i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm ndaj ndjenjave kombtare, thirrjet e drejtp\u00ebrdrejta t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs politike q\u00eb i drejtohen “sovranit”, nuk jan\u00eb ve\u00e7se shenja t\u00eb nji populizmi t\u00eb pagdhendun dhe primitiv.
\nNji popull q\u00eb qeveriset prej hajnash nuk asht sovran, asht thjesht peng.
\nN\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr komb\u00ebsia kthehet n\u00eb nji problem kur shteti yt e humb besueshm\u00ebnin\u00eb pran\u00eb familjes s\u00eb kombeve. Kjo gja e zbeh ndjenjen kombtare, e cila nuk mbahet gjall\u00eb vet\u00ebm me kore stadiumesh, tue pas\u00eb parasysh se edhe atje fitoret jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb rralla.
\nPolitika shqiptare e k\u00ebtyne 20 viteve ka dobsue at\u00eb q\u00eb Friedrich Meinecke e quente n\u00eb vitin 1907 tek vepra e mir\u00ebnjohtun “Kozmopolitizmi dhe shteti kombtar”: “personaliteti i kombit”.
\nKa t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn tri elemente q\u00eb jan\u00eb tregues t\u00eb dobis\u00eb s\u00eb nji ndjenje t\u00eb natyrshme kombtare: lidhja me vendlindjen, lidhja me gjuh\u00ebn amtare dhe rrug\u00ebtimi drejt nji objektivi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.
\nDy elementet e para jan\u00eb dob\u00ebsue p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb instrumentalizimit t\u00eb kombit prej politik\u00ebs. Shqiptari nuk asht ma i lidhun me tok\u00ebn e vet si p\u00ebrpara, nuk asht ma i lidhun me gjuh\u00ebn e vet si ka qen\u00eb. P\u00ebr ket\u00eb mjafton me pa sesi nji pjes\u00eb e brezit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve n\u00eb emigracionin e mbas viteve ’90 e ka humb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe, n\u00eb nji koh\u00eb q\u00eb arb\u00ebreshet e ruejn tash ma se pes\u00eb shekuj.
\nKombi dhe shteti
\nN\u00eb k\u00ebto 20 vjet forcimi i presionit t\u00eb nacionalizmit t\u00eb s\u00ebmur\u00eb grek ka ardh\u00eb si pasoj\u00eb e qeverisjes son\u00eb prej personash t\u00eb padenj\u00eb. Kjo gja u duk qart\u00eb me \u00e7eshtjen e kufinit detar, e cila tregoi fytyr\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyne matrapazave t\u00eb kombit.
\nPopulli yn\u00eb s’ka ra prej qiellit, ka t\u00eb mirat e t\u00eb metat e veta si gjith\u00eb popujt. Nuk asht ma i lashti n\u00eb Mesdhe, edhe pse lasht\u00ebsia jo gjithmon\u00eb lakohet me p\u00ebrparimin dhe me qytetnimin, nd\u00ebrsa lasht\u00ebsia antropologjike nuk ekziston.
\nNe jemi mikprit\u00ebs. I kemi prit\u00eb dhe i duem pakicat q\u00eb kan\u00eb zan\u00eb vend tek ne, q\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb vendin me ec\u00eb p\u00ebrpara. Por mos t\u00eb harrojn\u00eb se shteti yn\u00eb nuk ka lind\u00eb prej nji aleance me pakicat q\u00eb jetojne tek ne, madje nuk ka lind as prej vullnetit t\u00eb tyne. Zograf\u00ebt dhe Milot jan\u00eb shembuj kuptimplot\u00eb p\u00ebr ket\u00eb gja. Pakicat tek ne, e ky asht nji gjykim thjesht historik, kur s’kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfillshme n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjen politike, ushtarake dhe ekonomike, n\u00eb themelimin e shtetit shqiptar, jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb si kolona t\u00eb pesta prej anmiqve t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm. Sot kemi pakica etnolinguistike si grek\u00ebt, vlleh\u00ebt, rom\u00ebt, bullgar\u00ebt dhe serbo-malazez\u00ebt, kemi edhe pakica kulturore si ato q\u00eb shpalosin nji neo-otomaniz\u00ebm ballkanik dhe nuk humbin rastin me shpraz\u00eb edhe nd\u00ebr takime zyrtare togfjal\u00ebshin e pakuptimt\u00eb “populli v\u00eblla turk”. At\u00eb q\u00eb Haxhi Qamili e shprazte dikur me arm\u00eb dhe me zjarr, k\u00ebta e nxjerrin sot pa droj\u00eb me togfjal\u00ebsha t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb antihistorik\u00eb.
\nPor p\u00ebrqindja e tyne nuk rrezikon asgja. E keqja jon\u00eb vjen prej politik\u00ebs, prej atyne q\u00eb dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb “personalitetin e kombit”, q\u00eb alienojn\u00eb hapsin\u00ebn territoriale kombtare, q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr ligjit themelor t\u00eb shtetit.
\nA jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb?
\nKombi karakterizohet, pohon A. D. Smith tek “The Cultural Foundations of Nations” (2008) prej sovranitetit, prej sistemit t\u00eb ligjeve dhe institucioneve, prej pjesmarrjes s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike, prej kultur\u00ebs, prej pjesmarrjes s\u00eb kombit n\u00eb organizma nd\u00ebrkombtare. Ky asht edhe kombi shqiptar, n\u00eb gjinin e t\u00eb cilit jetojn\u00eb pakicat e masip\u00ebrme.
\nSot ka ardh\u00eb puna q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t’i druhen regjistrimit t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb q\u00eb parashikon deklarimin e prejardhjes etnike. Kjo droj\u00eb nuk ka t\u00eb bajn\u00eb me plleshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e pakicave, ato rriten pak a shum\u00eb si pjesa tjet\u00ebr e popullat\u00ebs. Frika ka t\u00eb bajn\u00eb me faktin se nji pjes\u00eb e shqiptar\u00ebve jan\u00eb gati me u deklarue grek p\u00ebr me p\u00ebrfitue di\u00e7ka sado t\u00eb vog\u00ebl prej shtetit helen.
\nJosh\u00ebsit jan\u00eb grek\u00ebt, por fajtor\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb ata.
\nAsht aktual edhe sot Filip Shiroka me epitafet e tija: “Sipri vorrit t\u00eb nji turkomanit” dhe “Sipri vorrit t\u00eb nji grekomanit”!
\n“N’k\u00ebt vorr po kalben eshtnat t’nji qyqari,
\nQi turpnisht jet\u00ebn e vet e ka shkue;
\nShqyptar, p\u00ebr fat t’zij edhe bir Shqyptari,
\nPunoi p\u00ebr Grek\u00ebt, Shqypnin\u00eb me tradhtue:
\nTRADHTUER emnohej, sa ish gjall\u00eb ky i shkret\u00eb,
\nE tradhtuer emnin ka m’e pas\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00eb”.<\/p>\n

Kjo zhveshje e dinjitetit q\u00eb i ban disa shqiptar\u00eb me deklarue, pa asnji baz\u00eb objektive, nji tjet\u00ebr prejardhje etnike, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se dob\u00ebsi karakterit dhe munges\u00eb nderit vetjak, asht dhurat\u00eb e politik\u00ebs son\u00eb.
\nNe sot kemi nji ushtri me pun\u00ebtor\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrbajn\u00eb nji faktor me rand\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb e Greqis\u00eb. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se dikush do t’i kishte organizue n\u00eb shoqata p\u00ebr me mbrojt\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e tyne t\u00eb ligjshme, ata nuk do t\u00eb ishin keqtrajtue apo p\u00ebrul n\u00eb kufi, mbasi nji demonstrat\u00eb e disa qindra mija shqiptar\u00ebve do t\u00eb kishte pasoja p\u00ebr cil\u00ebndo parti q\u00eb ushqen apo nxit urrejtjen dhe nacionalizmin e s\u00ebmur\u00eb vorio-epiriot.
\nMegjithat\u00eb s’na e kan\u00eb fajin grek\u00ebt, por politikan\u00ebt tan\u00eb t\u00eb korruptuem e anmiq t\u00eb kombit shqiptar.
\nPrandaj t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nji gja mund t\u00eb pretendojm\u00eb, disa politikan\u00ebve tan\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej me ua ndalue me ligj pjesmarrjen me flamur kombtar n\u00eb tubime elektorale dhe politike.
\nLe t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin at’ flamur t\u00eb cilit i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb me mish dhe me shpirt: flamurin e korrupsionit, at\u00eb q\u00eb ka shprish\u00eb “personalitetin e kombit” dhe po shkatrron t\u00eb ardhmen e tij.
\nProblemi tjet\u00ebr asht deklarimi i besimit fetar. Sot ka grupe t\u00eb caktueme q\u00eb nuk duen q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb deklarojn\u00eb se cilit besim i p\u00ebrkasin, apo t\u00eb shpallin haptas se nuk besojn\u00eb n\u00eb asnji entitet sip\u00ebran. N\u00eb t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn koh\u00eb pyetjes normale se cilat jan\u00eb raportet mes feve t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb Shqipni, po ata q\u00eb sot duen me pengue procesin e vet\u00ebdeklarimit, i p\u00ebrgjegjen tue iu referue t\u00eb dhanave t\u00eb para shtat\u00ebdhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebve.
\nShteti tek ne asht laik, feja dhe komb\u00ebsia jan\u00eb dy gjana t\u00eb ndame, pse po k\u00ebrkohet at\u00ebher\u00eb me u pengue deklarimi i besimit fetar? Mos vall\u00eb p\u00ebr me vijue me qen\u00eb antar t\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs islamike?!
\nShteti i
\npamjaftuesh\u00ebm
\nShqiptar\u00ebt sot n\u00eb Ballkan jan\u00eb nji komb i madh, i p\u00ebrfaqsuem prej shtetesh t\u00eb dobta.
\nPrapseprap e ndiejm se e ardhmja jon\u00eb mvaret prej tharmeve t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluemes, jo asaj abstraktes q\u00eb jeton n\u00eb librat e cunguem t\u00eb historis\u00eb, por prej asaj reales, nep\u00ebrmjet s\u00eb cil\u00ebs jena p\u00ebrshkue me shpirt nd\u00ebr dhamb\u00eb p\u00ebr me mb\u00ebrrijt\u00eb deri k\u00ebtu. Tepricat e asaj t\u00eb kalueme, mbrenda nesh, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb deri tash tharmet e s\u00eb ardhmes.
\nPor sot nji rol ma t\u00eb madh e ma pozitiv duhet ta luenin intelektual\u00ebt e rinj shqiptar\u00eb. Nji pjes\u00eb e tyne, asht e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, interesohet p\u00ebr fatet politike t\u00eb vendit ton\u00eb, por ma s\u00eb shumti e ban me m\u00ebn\u00ed dhe me mujsh\u00ed. Nji pjes\u00eb tjet\u00ebr asht e shitun p\u00ebr tridhjet\u00eb aspra tek ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb privatizue Shqipn\u00edn. E ka do tjer\u00eb q\u00eb losin politik\u00ebn e kamb\u00ebs n\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyell, tue u mundue me e mbajt\u00eb mir\u00eb me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, p\u00ebr me mujt\u00eb me kap\u00eb majtas e djathtas, si t\u00eb fryjn\u00eb era. Prej goj\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebtyne t\u00eb fundit rrall\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb rastisin me ndie marrina, por edhe ma rrall\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndiesh gjana me mend.
\nVijm\u00eb prej nji t\u00eb kaluemeje q\u00eb na ka shenjue me nulitetin ton\u00eb politik, mbasi nuk kemi pas\u00eb jet\u00eb aktive historike. Edhe sot s’jan\u00eb t\u00eb rrall\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb s’e dijn\u00eb emnin e st\u00ebrgjyshit, pse vorrin jo se jo. Kujtesa jon\u00eb historike asht e tep\u00ebr e shkurt\u00eb p\u00ebr mos me p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit gabimet e s\u00eb djeshmes.
\nForca g\u00ebrryese e individualizmit, korrupsionit, hajnis\u00eb, krimit nuk e lejon shpirtin e kombit me mb\u00ebrrijt\u00eb sinteza t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme historike, dhe sinteza ma e \u00e7mueshme asht shteti demokratik.
\nN\u00eb k\u00ebto 20 vjet liria asht ba grueja e paligjshme e shoqnis\u00eb son\u00eb aktuale, mbasi n\u00ebn mask\u00ebn e saj kryhen dhe justifikohen akte t\u00eb damshme p\u00ebr shtetin dhe p\u00ebr kombin ton\u00eb.
\nNuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb liri me korruptue dhe me u korruptue, liri me vjedh\u00eb pasunit\u00eb e shtetit dhe me abuzue me pushtetin, liri me pengue administrimin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, me vjedh vot\u00ebn, me vra dhe me rrejt qytetar\u00ebt shqiptar\u00ebt.
\nE gjith\u00eb kjo asht nji robni e re e endun me fijet e padukshme t\u00eb pushtetit q\u00eb flet p\u00ebr liri, por vepron konkretisht kund\u00ebr saj.
\nPrandaj, pa asnji dallim rryme ideologjike, nji qytetar i ndersh\u00ebm shqiptar q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen dhe ka besim tek Zoti, si\u00e7 shprehet Kushtetuta jon\u00eb, nuk mundet me mb\u00ebshtet\u00eb individ\u00eb q\u00eb minojn\u00eb shtetin dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e kombit me veprime t\u00eb k\u00ebtilla.
\nKorrupsioni ka nji forc\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7udnuese, ai e rikrijon njeriun tue e prish\u00eb. Llomshtina e tij ia kalb indet shoqnis\u00eb, tue e mbyt\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn n\u00eb zemrat e njerzve. Duhma e tij e keqe, s\u00eb bashku me brutalitetin dhe budallallekun, shuen \u00e7do entuziaz\u00ebm q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon ndryshim.
\nE nes\u00ebrmja
\napo e ardhmja?
\nShoqnia civile shqiptare asht e thirrun me shestue t\u00eb ardhmen e vet, dhe jo thjesht me jetue p\u00ebr me mb\u00ebrrijt t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen.
\nZbehja e identitetit ton\u00eb kombtar dhe ngritja krye e disa dukunive mohuese, na ban me mendue se duhet me vigjilue p\u00ebrmbi ato vlera t\u00eb amshueme q\u00eb kultivoi Rilindja kombtare dhe zhvilloi elita jon\u00eb deri n\u00eb vitet ’40. Nuk tregojm\u00eb matuni shpirtnore n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se do t\u00eb lejojm\u00eb q\u00eb vlerat q\u00eb formuen kombin para nji shekulli, t\u00eb kthehen sot n\u00eb mallna kontraband\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat t\u00eb mund t\u00eb flitet vet\u00ebm me za t\u00eb ul\u00ebt.
\nShkruente Ernest Koliqi ve\u00e7 pak muej para se t\u00eb nd\u00ebrronte jet\u00eb: “Mbar\u00eb gjaku yn\u00eb i shprishun \u00e2sht plandos\u00eb n\u00eb nji amull\u00ed shpirti dob\u00ebsuese. Ndonji l\u00ebvizje plot zhurm\u00eb t\u00eb pafrytsh\u00ebme nis\u00eb e shuhet n\u00ebn gicilim ambicjesh pa flat\u00ebr ideale. Problemi thalb\u00ebsuer i fisit shqyptar, d.m.th. ndertimi i nji atdheu t\u00eb vertet\u00eb, t\u00eb l\u00edr e t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuem, cak ngushullues v\u00ebllaznije ku sejcili Bir Shqipje t\u00eb gj\u00eaj\u00eb vok\u00ebs\u00ed \u00e7erdhje, jo vetem l\u00eahet mbas dore, por deshtas hidhet n\u00eb kosh t\u00eb pla\u00e7kave qi s’vyejn\u00eb gja” (Sh\u00eajzat, XVIII, 1972, nn. 1-10, f. 6).
\nSot nji pjes\u00eb e jona asht dorzue, asht lodh\u00eb shpirtnisht dhe pranon gjith\u00e7ka me fataliz\u00ebm. Por mendimi filozofik Per\u00ebndimor na m\u00ebson se tirani ma i madh i shoqnis\u00eb njerzore asht fatalizmi, pra me \u00e7ue duert p\u00ebrpjet\u00eb dhe me ju dorzue fatit.
\nNuk kena mbet\u00eb mbas bot\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetnueme vet\u00ebm pse e kena nis\u00eb ma s\u00eb parit zhvillimin prej nji caku t\u00eb mbrapambetun. Faji asht se na i kena t\u00ebrheq\u00eb rr\u00ebshqan\u00eb zhelet e s\u00eb kaluemes dhe ja kena besue fatet tona, t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb, disa njerzve q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaqsojn\u00eb shpirtin rr\u00ebnimtar dhe munges\u00ebn e \u00e7do ideali.
\nVetem nji shoqni q\u00eb vuen prej nji fatalizmi shekullor, mb\u00ebrrin me besue se 20 vjet tranzicion p\u00ebrbajne di\u00e7ka normale dhe aktor\u00ebt e tij nji t\u00eb keqe t\u00eb domosdoshme.
\nN\u00eb politik\u00ebn ton\u00eb ka humb\u00eb thuejse krejt\u00ebsisht kuptimi i nderit vetjak dhe shoqnor. Populli thot\u00eb se nderi as nuk blehet dhe as nuk shitet. E pra hajduti, vras\u00ebsi, ai q\u00eb ban be n\u00eb rren\u00eb, ai q\u00eb punon kund\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, ai q\u00eb e dhunon me fjalor e me sjellje rruga\u00e7ash logun e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb kombit, ai q\u00eb nuk ka bes\u00eb… e ka humb\u00eb nderin e vet.
\nKoncepti i nderit nuk asht kurrsesi di\u00e7ka e vjetrueme q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket s\u00eb kaluemes.
\nNderi mbet\u00eb nder\u00eb, as nuk shitet as nuk blehet me pare e me pushtet. Hori mbet\u00eb hor, sado pare dhe sado pushtet t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrijn\u00eb me pas\u00eb. Kurse i ndershmi, njeriu i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, asht i vetmi q\u00eb g\u00ebzon lirin\u00eb e mbrendshme me shikue bot\u00ebn kryenalt\u00eb, sepse virtyti i tij asht shp\u00ebrblimi ma i madh q\u00eb mund t’i japin jeta.
\nSot bota v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e qytetnueme i ven rand\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe nderit vetjak. Beja n\u00eb rren\u00eb apo d\u00ebshmia e rreme munden me i kushtue shtrenjt\u00eb nji politikani, sidomos n\u00eb bot\u00ebn anglosaksone. Nji prej filozof\u00ebve bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb ma n\u00eb za q\u00eb ka shkrue p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e detyrimet q\u00eb kemi n\u00eb shoqni, John Rawls, e paraqet nderin (fairness) si nji prej tipareve themelore t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme shoqnore.
\nT’i braktisim trajtat e k\u00ebqija q\u00eb na kan\u00eb karakterizue, por t\u00eb zbulojm\u00eb rishtas ato t\u00eb mirat, si\u00e7 asht koncepti i nderit, dhe t’i vem\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb jet\u00ebs son\u00eb shoqnore.
\nEdhe pse drejt\u00ebsia, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb l\u00ebngat\u00ebs prej s\u00eb cil\u00ebs vuen tek ne, nuk ka me e d\u00ebnue si\u00e7 e meriton nji hajdut t\u00eb pasunis\u00eb shtetnore apo nji t\u00eb korruptuem, n\u00ebse ky ka me u trajtue si i till\u00eb prej shoqn\u00eds, ka me e marr\u00eb, s\u00eb paku moralisht, at\u00eb q\u00eb meriton. Kur shoqnia t\u00eb ve\u00e7oj\u00eb me p\u00ebrbuzjen e vet njerzit e k\u00ebtill\u00eb, kur ta ket\u00eb p\u00ebr turp me marr\u00eb e me dhan\u00eb me ta, at\u00ebher\u00eb nji hap sado i vog\u00ebl p\u00ebr rivendosjen e sensit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ba.
\nNjerzit jan\u00eb fryt i shoqn\u00eds, e pa t\u00eb s’kan\u00eb jet\u00eb, prandaj asht shoqnia civile ajo q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb japin shembullin dhe t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e vet t\u00eb pal\u00ebkundun. Sot, mjerisht, vet\u00ebm nji pakic\u00eb asht e nd\u00ebrgjegjshme p\u00ebr nji detyrim t\u00eb till\u00eb moral, pjesa tjet\u00ebr kur s’pluskon n\u00eb indiferenc\u00eb, lakmon gjan\u00eb dhe rrug\u00ebn, n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb shndritshme, t\u00eb t\u00eb keqit.
\n“Kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb s\u00eb lige, – shkruente Lumo Sk\u00ebndoja n\u00eb vitin 1924, – p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb m\u00ebnxyre, duhet vepruar, do pasur nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrveprim, q\u00eb t\u00eb vij\u00eb zgjimi pas gjumi, larg dehjes, nj\u00eb zgjim veprimtar, me vullnet t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, me pun\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb, motra e m\u00ebma e shpres\u00ebs pjellore. Nj\u00eb ver\u00ed e b\u00ebn detin t\u00eb bu\u00e7as\u00eb. Nj\u00eb frym\u00eb e re e b\u00ebn nj\u00eb komb q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb shpirt t\u00eb ri. Nj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb frym\u00eb krijonj\u00ebse duhet t\u00eb kemi”.
\nNji frym\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb duem edhe ne, nji frym\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimtare p\u00ebr me kalue k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebngat\u00eb t\u00eb st\u00ebrzgjatun e p\u00ebr mos me pa ma ngjyrat e errta t\u00eb dhimbjeve t\u00eb kombit ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n

(Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb editoriali i numrit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb revist\u00ebs “Hylli i Drit\u00ebs”<\/em>)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ardian Ndreca Nacionalizmi shqiptar -Nacionalizmi asht njiprej fenomeneve moderne ma t\u00eb pakapshme nga pik\u00ebpamja konceptuale, mbasi ai nd\u00ebrron pamje dhe form\u00eb, tue kalue prej gjendjes s\u00eb ngurt\u00eb, n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb langshme e t\u00eb gazt\u00eb, tue shkaktue shp\u00ebrthime entuziazmi, disa heresh mjaft t\u00eb rrezikshme, rreth t\u00eb cilave ngrohen demagog\u00ebt dhe megaloman\u00ebt e rastit. Tipari themelor i […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nPersonaliteti i kombit dhe sfida e sotme - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/personaliteti-i-kombit-dhe-sfida-e-sotme\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Personaliteti i kombit dhe sfida e sotme - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ardian Ndreca Nacionalizmi shqiptar -Nacionalizmi asht njiprej fenomeneve moderne ma t\u00eb pakapshme nga pik\u00ebpamja konceptuale, mbasi ai nd\u00ebrron pamje dhe form\u00eb, tue kalue prej gjendjes s\u00eb ngurt\u00eb, n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb langshme e t\u00eb gazt\u00eb, tue shkaktue shp\u00ebrthime entuziazmi, disa heresh mjaft t\u00eb rrezikshme, rreth t\u00eb cilave ngrohen demagog\u00ebt dhe megaloman\u00ebt e rastit. 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