{"id":6847,"date":"2011-03-05T21:33:01","date_gmt":"2011-03-05T20:33:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=6847"},"modified":"2011-03-05T21:33:01","modified_gmt":"2011-03-05T20:33:01","slug":"prapakthimi-i-tri-shoqerive-shqiptare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/prapakthimi-i-tri-shoqerive-shqiptare\/","title":{"rendered":"Prapakthimi i tri shoq\u00ebrive shqiptare"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"
\nVeton Surroi<\/strong><\/p>\n

1<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Tri shoq\u00ebri shqiptare n\u00eb Ballkan jan\u00eb n\u00eb prapakthim. Fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ecje regresive t\u00eb tri shteteve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor me popullat\u00eb autoktone shqiptare, e cila i kthen ato n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetjet themelore t\u00eb vitit 2001, e ndoshta edhe m\u00eb prapa.\u2028Para dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebsh, Shqip\u00ebria ishte duke formuluar politikat e veta n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb parull\u00ebs bazike nga demonstratat e dhjetorit t\u00eb vitit 1990, \u201cEdhe ne si e gjith\u00eb Europa\u201d.<\/p>\n

Pas shkrirjes s\u00eb shtetit m\u00eb 1997, Shqip\u00ebria kishte rimarr\u00eb veten, bile aq sa p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrbashkuar rreth objektivit t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb NATO dhe procesit t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb BE. Dilema e dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshit 1991-2001 \u201cA mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Shqip\u00ebria si e t\u00ebr\u00eb Europa?\u201d u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb pyetjen \u201cSi t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Shqip\u00ebria si e t\u00ebr\u00eb Europa?\u201d. N\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshin e kaluar vendi do t\u00eb hynte me hapa t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar n\u00eb reformat p\u00ebr t\u2019u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb NATO dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb procesin e Stabilizim-Asociimit p\u00ebr n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 21 janar t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, e me Marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar Stabilizim-Asociimi dhe me stazh an\u00ebtari t\u00eb NATO-s, Shqip\u00ebria u kthye n\u00eb gjendjen e para vitit 2001. Ndaj demonstratave t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs (gjithsesi jo krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb padhunshme, gjykuar prej nj\u00eb numri konsistent njer\u00ebzish q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqej me gur\u00eb t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb objektin e Kryeministris\u00eb) u shkrep p\u00ebrgjigjja e palejueshme e arm\u00ebve t\u00eb zjarrta. Kat\u00ebr t\u00eb vrar\u00eb n\u00eb demonstrata politike, t\u00eb q\u00eblluar nga forca t\u00eb rendit, nuk ndodh n\u00eb asnj\u00eb vend me vler\u00eb europiane.\u2028<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb vend t\u00eb t\u00eb hulumtuarit t\u00eb es\u00ebllt t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb ndodhi, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri u instalua nj\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb gjuetie shtrigash, e ilustruar jo pak me nj\u00eb Komision hetimor parlamentar q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb i p\u00ebrngjante atij t\u00eb senatorit fam\u00ebkeq McCarthy n\u00eb vitet \u201850 se sa nj\u00eb demokracie europiane q\u00eb do ta rigjej\u00eb veten. N\u00ebse Shqip\u00ebria matet me fjalorin e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve t\u00eb saj, t\u00eb pushtetit e t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs (pa\u00e7ka toni i teprimit mesdhetar) at\u00ebher\u00eb vendi gjendet n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn mes \u201ckusaris\u00eb\u201d s\u00eb pushtetit dhe \u201cp\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr pu\u00e7\u201d nga opozita- gjithsesi jo n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e nj\u00eb demokracie funksionale.<\/p>\n

Brenda pak dit\u00ebsh maja e shkrir\u00eb tregoi se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajsbergu n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri: nj\u00eb proces q\u00eb rrezikon t\u00eb delegjitimoj\u00eb nocionin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb europiane. N\u00eb regresionin e vet historik, vendi kthehet n\u00eb gjendjen para pyetjes \u201cSi t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Shqip\u00ebria si e t\u00ebr\u00eb Europa?\u201d, pra n\u00eb pyetjen \u201cA mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Shqip\u00ebria si e t\u00ebr\u00eb Europa?\u201d.<\/p>\n

2<\/strong>.\u2028<\/p>\n

Kosova para dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebsh hynte n\u00eb finalen e procesit t\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb, t\u00eb filluar me d\u00ebshtimin historik t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb autoktone. Kjo finale interaktive n\u00ebnkuptonte q\u00eb sa m\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb aft\u00ebsoheshin institucionet e zgjedhura demokratike, aq m\u00eb shpejt do t\u2019u jepeshin atyre kompetenca nga protektor\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe k\u00ebshtu deri n\u00eb aft\u00ebsim p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi. Kjo quhej nj\u00eb ecje drejt legjitimimit t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Procesi, me nj\u00eb shtytje t\u00eb madhe politike amerikane dhe t\u00eb disa shteteve europiane, arriti shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe ecjen e ngatht\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr tre vjet. Por, ai, pra, procesi, tregon dy deficenca themelore. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, me marrjen formale t\u00eb kompetencave, kosovar\u00ebt po tregohen n\u00eb disa fusha jo shum\u00eb t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm, t\u00eb ngatht\u00eb e mbase edhe t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i menaxhuar ato. Ilustrim jan\u00eb zgjedhjet: sa m\u00eb pak involvim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebve aq m\u00eb i madh d\u00ebmtimi i procesit nga ana e kosovar\u00ebve, deri te hajnia e hapur e demonstruar n\u00eb zgjedhjet e dhjetorit t\u00eb vitit 2010.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, protektor\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe EULEX-in, si protektor i but\u00eb i paspavar\u00ebsis\u00eb) kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb misionin e tyre bazik, vendosjen e rendit dhe t\u00eb ligjit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb tok\u00ebsore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, si dhe vendosjen e bazave t\u00eb nj\u00eb sundimi t\u00eb pavarur t\u00eb ligjit. Krahasuar me indiferenc\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, \u00e7far\u00ebdo paaft\u00ebsie kosovare n\u00eb qeverisje duket mbase lule e drit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Produkti i paaft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kosovare dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosja e nj\u00eb standardi tejet t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb shtetit; suksesi i funksionimit t\u00eb shtetit quhet vet\u00ebm stabiliteti i tij bazik, pra mungesa e dhun\u00ebs. \u00c7do gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb siguronte shteti, prej t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb tok\u00ebsore deri te sistemi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor as q\u00eb merren parasysh, p\u00ebr aq sa Kosova tashm\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e rrezikshme t\u00eb delegjitimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb aspirate t\u00eb vet\u00ebn bazike: shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb goditje e p\u00ebrmasave historike, ngase prej momentit kur kuptoi se nuk b\u00ebhej pjes\u00eb e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Kosova shqiptare \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb, qoft\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet koniunktur\u00ebs s\u00eb at\u00ebhershme n\u00eb Jugosllavi, qoft\u00eb me organizata ilegale, qoft\u00eb me l\u00ebvizjen demokratike t\u00eb kryesuar nga Rugova, qoft\u00eb nga lufta e armatosur e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb shekullit XX, pyetja themelore ka qen\u00eb: \u201cSi t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Kosova shtet?\u201d.<\/p>\n

Tash, kur Kosova e ka emrin e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb pavarur, po ashtu ka mb\u00ebrritur te dilema mbi funksionimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb. Shtet i pap\u00ebrfunduar, me nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb vet t\u00eb ndar\u00eb, me nj\u00eb legjitimitet t\u00eb cunguar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, me nivel t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb e edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb institucioneve funksionale e t\u00eb pavarura shtet\u00ebrore \u2013 Kosova ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb prapakthim, drejt pyetjes se a \u00ebsht\u00eb fare i mundsh\u00ebm funksionimi i shtetit aq sa t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb aspiratat bazike t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb territorin e tij. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb tash: \u201cA do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbahet si shtet?\u201d<\/p>\n

3<\/strong>.\u2028<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Maqedoni, shqiptar\u00ebt kaluan nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, pothuaj t\u00eb nj\u00eb shekulli t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb definuar m\u00eb 2001, gjat\u00eb kryengritjes s\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb armatosur dhe procesit negociator q\u00eb kulmoi me Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit. Pozicioni i mb\u00ebrritur para dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebsh ishte ai i shqiptar\u00ebve si faktor shtetnd\u00ebrtues n\u00eb Maqedoni, d.m.th. t\u00eb aksionerit (hisedarit) legjitim t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb ri.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, Marr\u00ebveshja e Ohrit, me munges\u00eb vizioni historik nga faktori maqedonas dhe munges\u00eb konsistence nga faktori shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb zvet\u00ebnuar n\u00eb negociata t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb. Republika e Maqedonis\u00eb, e ngrir\u00eb n\u00eb ecjen e vet euroatlantike p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kontestit rreth emrit, ka krijuar nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje populliste maqedonase q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb legjitimitetin e vendit me projekte t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb t\u00eb shpikur, qoft\u00eb reale (prej em\u00ebrtimeve t\u00eb Aleksandrit t\u00eb Madh deri te projekti Skupi 2014).<\/p>\n

Vendi \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb i ndar\u00eb n\u00eb tri blloqe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha : popullizmi antieuropian maqedonas, besimi i shqiptar\u00ebve se vendi do t\u00eb jet\u00eb an\u00ebtar i NATO-s e BE-s\u00eb dhe blloku i indiferenc\u00ebs. Maja e ajsbergut u v\u00ebrejt k\u00ebto dit\u00eb n\u00eb Shkup, n\u00eb konfliktin mes civil\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe atyre maqedonas rreth nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb kishe ortodokse maqedonase n\u00eb Kalan\u00eb e Shkupit (pjes\u00eb e rik\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb identitetit maqedonas).<\/p>\n

Debati rreth kish\u00ebs, i l\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimit t\u00eb institucioneve publike, degjeneroi leht\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt fizik – e k\u00ebshtu mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb vendin.\u2028Shqiptar\u00ebt e Maqedonis\u00eb, duke mos marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb definimin e identitetit t\u00eb vendit, qofshin t\u00eb larguar, t\u00eb pakonsultuar apo t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuar nga ky proces, jan\u00eb duke hyr\u00eb me shpejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb procesin e delegjitimimit t\u00eb t\u00eb arritur\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre t\u00eb para 10 vjet\u00ebsh, pra t\u00eb faktorit shtetnd\u00ebrtues t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb. Dhe pyetja q\u00eb pason, n\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuar se nuk po e nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb shtetin, \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht e parashikueshme n\u00eb skajshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e vet: n\u00ebse nuk e nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb shtetin, n\u00ebse nuk kemi hise n\u00eb t\u00eb, p\u00ebrse jemi n\u00eb t\u00eb?<\/p>\n

4<\/strong>.\u2028<\/p>\n

T\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhura n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjali, t\u00eb tri krizat shqiptare jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces tranzicioni t\u00eb ndalur, apo t\u00eb nj\u00eb tranzicioni q\u00eb ec\u00ebn mbrapa. Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb ec\u00ebn n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt prej atij t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb BE, Kosova n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt prej atij t\u00eb konsolidimit t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Maqedonia n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt prej atij t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb legjitimuar prej qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj shqiptar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo e sjell t\u00ebr\u00eb regjionin e banuar nga shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb historike, asaj t\u00eb largimit (qoft\u00eb edhe relativ) nga procesi i integrimit europian dhe vendosja n\u00eb zon\u00eb gri t\u00eb proceseve \u00e7integruese e regresive q\u00eb menduam se kaluan me shekullin XX. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb procesit historik integrues n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, shqiptar\u00ebt e Ballkanit, k\u00ebshtu, gjenden n\u00eb rrezikun q\u00eb p\u00ebr dhjet\u00eb vitet e ardhshme t\u00eb merren me veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs apo definimin e \u201cregjionit shqiptar\u201d t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb \u2013 q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto axhenda t\u00eb vendosura m\u00eb her\u00ebt gjetiu, nga nacionalizmi serb, n\u00eb form\u00ebn e vet m\u00eb ekstreme, n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn serbe t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

E nga ana tjet\u00ebr, nga ana e BE-s\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se shqiptar\u00ebt po priten nga \u201ckush\u00ebrinjt\u00eb\u201d e tyre europian\u00eb me duar t\u00eb hapura. Brukseli i sot\u00ebm po ballafaqohet me kriz\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb rritjes: BE-ja ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb vende an\u00ebtare se sa kapacitet institucional p\u00ebr t\u00eb funksionuar me t\u00eb; e n\u00eb momentin kur mb\u00ebrrin marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb re politike, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me Lisbon\u00ebn, ajo marr\u00ebveshje n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb kaq dinamike \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb e tejkaluar. Shembulli m\u00eb i mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezikimi i euros.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebso Europe, kur t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb procesi i an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb Kroacis\u00eb n\u00eb BE, brenda dy vjet\u00ebve t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb rend t\u00eb dit\u00ebs mund t\u00eb shtrohet ndoshta an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi paralel i vet\u00ebm dy shteteve t\u00eb tjera: Serbis\u00eb dhe Malit t\u00eb Zi, sepse t\u00eb tjerat nuk do t\u00eb jen\u00eb gati. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb k\u00ebtij dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshi, t\u00eb vetmit shqiptar\u00eb autokton\u00eb shtetas t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb porsaan\u00ebtar\u00ebsuara n\u00eb BE mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb ata nga \u201cperiferit\u00eb\u201d, pra ata t\u00eb Lugin\u00ebs s\u00eb Preshev\u00ebs dhe ata t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi. \u2028M\u00eb 2021 jasht\u00eb do t\u00eb mbetej pjesa d\u00ebrmuese e shqiptar\u00ebve autokton\u00eb t\u00eb Ballkanit (natyrisht ajo pjes\u00eb q\u00eb nuk zgjodhi emigrimin).<\/p>\n

5<\/strong>.\u2028<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse ka nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb shkurtic\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjen e pyetjes se p\u00ebrse jan\u00eb k\u00ebto tri kriza shqiptare, at\u00ebher\u00eb e para q\u00eb del \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u201cjan\u00eb tri kriza se pse shqiptar\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb bashk\u00eb\u201d. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb thoshte se n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq, po t\u00eb ishin bashk\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjigjes \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb: shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb shqiptare jan\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimi, e nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e arsyes \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe fakti se a) nuk u nd\u00ebrtua nj\u00eb shtet p\u00ebrbashkues shqiptar dhe b) kur u shpall tashm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb e kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb her\u00ebt t\u00eb gjith\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt, duke gllab\u00ebruar nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb bukur t\u00eb madhe territoresh autoktone.<\/p>\n

Por, a \u00ebsht\u00eb, a mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ila\u00e7i p\u00ebr k\u00ebto tri kriza bashkimi i t\u00eb tria shoq\u00ebrive n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet? Arsyetimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pa validitet: n\u00ebse Kosova gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb ardhshme nuk arrin t\u00eb ec\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara dhe mbetet shtet i pap\u00ebrfunduar, rruga m\u00eb e shkurt\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb an\u00ebtar i NATO-s do t\u00eb ishte n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet bashkimit me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Dhe e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt e Maqedonis\u00eb, n\u00eb paraliz\u00ebn e tyre me emrin e shtetit. Duke qen\u00eb n\u00ebn ombrell\u00ebn e NATO-s, do t\u00eb siguronin ekzistencialisht ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb \u2013 pa marr\u00eb parasysh koniunkturat n\u00eb disa prej shteteve europiane. V\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs do ta kishin siguruar ekzistenc\u00ebn pa marr\u00eb parasysh se \u00e7\u2019ka mendon p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb Qiproja a Rumania dhe ata t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb pa marr\u00eb parasysh se \u00e7\u2019ka mendon Greqia.<\/p>\n

Rrjedhimisht, kjo do t\u00eb vlente edhe p\u00ebr n\u00eb integrim europian.\u2028Por, nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha pikash do t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonin logjik\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj qasjeje. \u2028<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari<\/em>, Shqip\u00ebria. Mungesa e Kosov\u00ebs dhe e nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e territorit t\u00eb saj nuk ka me se ta pengoj\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushjen e kritereve t\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs – zgjedhje t\u00eb lira, institucione t\u00eb pavarura t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, shtyp i lir\u00eb e i pavarur. Kriza e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb nuk ka as m\u00eb t\u00eb voglin ndikim nga Tetova a Prishtina – legjitimiteti zgjedhor nuk u prish nga Kosova e Maqedonia (p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, k\u00ebto dy vende kan\u00eb problemet e veta me legjitimitetin zgjedhor).<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti<\/em>, nd\u00ebrtimi i shtetit unik shqiptar do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb produkt aksidental se sa nj\u00eb proces i legjitimuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Aksidental, sepse do t\u00eb ishte reagim ndaj d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb e pastaj edhe fitores s\u00eb konceptit t\u00eb ndarjes etnike (me Veriun e Kosov\u00ebs dhe me Republik\u00ebn serbe n\u00eb Bosnje e Hercegovin\u00eb). Si i till\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishte i dhunsh\u00ebm, me spastrime etnike t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e Maqedoni. Dhe si i till\u00eb, do t\u00eb arrihej vet\u00ebm n\u00eb rast t\u00eb fitores s\u00eb politik\u00ebs nacionaliste t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb shk\u00ebputjes s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs serbe dhe t\u00eb Veriut t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti<\/em>, edhe po ta kishte bekimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (eliminimin e penges\u00ebs nga Pakoja e Ahtisaarit p\u00ebr bashkim) \u00e7\u00ebshtja themelore do t\u00eb ishte – pas t\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi q\u00eb do t\u00eb merrte gjak, energji dhe para – se a do t\u00eb prodhonte bashkimi stabilitetin e menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm? A \u00ebsht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria e k\u00ebtill\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb absorboj\u00eb dy shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb definuara shqiptare, t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb?<\/p>\n

S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti<\/em>, a ka vullnet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb? Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb hulumtimet e opinionit publik opsioni i bashkimit \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb rritje n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e Maqedoni (sa m\u00eb i madh stagnimi n\u00eb k\u00ebto vende), n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet jomazhoritar.<\/p>\n

Mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e riparimit (2)<\/strong><\/p>\n

Realitetet n\u00eb dy prej tri shoq\u00ebrive shqiptare jan\u00eb t\u00eb riparueshme relativisht me pak investim, apo jan\u00eb n\u00eb kufirin ku ende mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb riparueshme. N\u00eb Maqedoni dhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, kombinimi i politikave vend\u00ebse dhe i infuzionit politik evropian (apo euroamerikan) ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ndryshimit t\u00eb gjendjes<\/p>\n

6<\/strong>.
\nN\u00ebse skenari i p\u00ebrs\u00ebritjes s\u00eb dhun\u00ebs, i spastrimeve etnike e i gjakderdhjes \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb i friksh\u00ebm (dhe fatkeq\u00ebsisht, ende me gjasa, ndon\u00ebse t\u00eb vogla), po aq i friksh\u00ebm duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb skenari i vendnum\u00ebrimit p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn shqiptare autoktone n\u00eb Ballkan. N\u00eb t\u00eb, do t\u00eb ruhej nj\u00eb lloj atrofimi i institucioneve t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb t\u00eb tria shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb, me ve\u00e7orit\u00eb e tyre gjegj\u00ebse. Shqip\u00ebria do t\u00eb ecte m\u00eb tutje n\u00eb nj\u00eb model ku korrupsioni nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i llogaritur vet\u00ebm si kosto e biznesit, por edhe si kosto e pranuar e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtejm\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n

Ashtu si\u00e7 e di \u00e7do nd\u00ebrmarr\u00ebs sot n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, dhe e ka pranuar si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jete, ryshfeti \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e kostos (si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb qiraja e objektit, pagesa e energjis\u00eb elektrike apo e materialit riprodhues)- ashtu shteti mund t\u00eb integroj\u00eb korrupsionin (klientilizmin etj.) si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb tij. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb skenar, lufta politike n\u00eb vend do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej (si\u00e7 ka paralajm\u00ebrim q\u00eb tani) p\u00ebr luft\u00eb kontrollimi tregjesh mes dy blloqeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha politike. Institucionet e shtetit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ciklike, at\u00ebbot\u00eb, do t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin me fituesin e zgjedhjeve.<\/p>\n

Dhe, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb zgjedhjet, dhe t\u00ebrheqja magnetike p\u00ebr manipulimin me to, p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb dimensione m\u00eb t\u00eb thella t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb: ato nuk b\u00ebhen vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vendosjen e pushtetit, por p\u00ebr kontrollimin e tregjeve dhe t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb shtetit q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb garantojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontroll. Partit\u00eb politike, n\u00eb k\u00ebsi skenari, b\u00ebhen organizata \u201cushtarake\u201d p\u00ebr rr\u00ebzimin e kund\u00ebrshtarit q\u00eb kontrollon, apo ka potencial t\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb tregut. Mediat, si pjes\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, do t\u00eb zbrisnin nga \u201cpushteti i kat\u00ebrt\u201d p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb sot, pjes\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cushtrive\u201d.<\/p>\n

Kosova, n\u00eb modelin e vendnum\u00ebrimit, mund ta kaloj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshin pa asnj\u00eb vendim substancial rreth problemeve t\u00eb veta strukturore. Mund ta ket\u00eb \u201ckonfliktin e ngrir\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb veri, nj\u00eb status hibrid n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me BE-n\u00eb \u2013 ku mund t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim, por jo edhe partneritet kontraktual \u2013 nj\u00eb legjitimitet t\u00eb cunguar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar pa an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb OKB. Edhe mund t\u2019i zgjidh\u00eb disa prej k\u00ebtyre, n\u00eb bisedime t\u00eb mundimshme me Serbin\u00eb, q\u00eb prej dit\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb i sigurojn\u00eb Serbis\u00eb kredibilitet evropian e Kosov\u00ebs kusht\u00ebzime p\u00ebr koncesione. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshit, ose edhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb her\u00ebt, mund ta shpall\u00eb veten t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar, t\u00eb mbajtur me infuzionin e pranis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Maqedonia mund t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebsh duke gjetur vende ku duhet vendosur monumente q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrkujtojn\u00eb a nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb (nga e para) identitetin e maqedonasve -deri n\u00eb zhb\u00ebrje t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n

Skenari i atrofimit \u00ebsht\u00eb dyfish i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt e Ballkanit. N\u00eb t\u00eb, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshit (2021) dy prej tri shteteve do t\u00eb ishin jofunksionale e n\u00eb zhb\u00ebrje, me popullat\u00eb shqiptare q\u00eb do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte, pas nj\u00ebqind vjet\u00ebsh, shp\u00ebtimin n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb shteti komb\u00ebtar. Shteti fillestar shqiptar, Shqip\u00ebria, do t\u00eb ishte e paiinteresuar dhe\/ose e paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2021, shqiptar\u00ebt e Ballkanit do t\u00eb ishin ndar\u00eb n\u00eb dysh: ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb BE, duke emigruar, dhe ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb larg BE-s\u00eb, duke mbetur t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vendet e tyre. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vit, nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb ka gjysm\u00eb shekulli premtimi t\u00eb \u201cperspektiv\u00ebs evropiane\u201d , Turqia, nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vend an\u00ebtar i BE-s\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb skem\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me disa shtete t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme, ku shqiptar\u00ebt e shekullit XIX kishin sh\u00ebrbyer qoft\u00eb si asqer\u00eb, qoft\u00eb administrator\u00eb t\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb Otomane.<\/p>\n

Dikund gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshi, fryma e Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme, me an\u00eb t\u00eb revolucioneve arabe do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb arrinte n\u00eb tokat shqiptare si p\u00ebrkujtim se gj\u00ebrat jan\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr aq sa duhet t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb.<\/p>\n

7<\/strong>.
\nMegjithat\u00eb, sado real\u00eb t\u00eb duken skenar\u00ebt negativ\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e th\u00ebn\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb. Realitetet n\u00eb dy prej tri shoq\u00ebrive shqiptare jan\u00eb t\u00eb riparueshme me relativisht pak investim, apo jan\u00eb n\u00eb kufirin ku ende mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb riparueshme. N\u00eb Maqedoni dhe Shqip\u00ebri, kombinimi i politikave vend\u00ebse dhe i infuzionit politik evropian (apo euroamerikan) ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ndryshimit t\u00eb gjendjes.<\/p>\n

Maqedonia mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb rasti m\u00eb i leht\u00eb, sado q\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e emrit t\u00eb vendit duket q\u00eb zvarritet aq gjat\u00eb sa t\u00eb b\u00ebhet \u00e7\u00ebshtje e pazgjidhshme. Deri m\u00eb sot, n\u00eb negociatat mes pal\u00ebs maqedonase dhe asaj greke nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur kompromisi p\u00ebr emrin e vendit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka bllokuar an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb NATO, dhe ka paralizuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb reformat n\u00eb vend. Shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Maqedoni, nuk kan\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto negociata me arsyetim se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e ndjeshme e identitetit t\u00eb maqedonasve etnik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo politik\u00eb megjithat\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb, dhe shqiptar\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb partner\u00eb konsensual\u00eb n\u00eb definimim e emrit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb, meq\u00eb kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb si me identitetin e tyre shtet\u00ebror ashtu edhe me nevoj\u00ebn e zhbllokimit t\u00eb integrimeve euroatlantike. Partit\u00eb shqiptare, ashtu si\u00e7 krijuan nj\u00eb platform\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjen e Prizrenit m\u00eb 2001 (q\u00eb i parapriu asaj t\u00eb Ohrit), duhet t\u00eb definojn\u00eb interesat e tyre strategjik\u00eb dhe e drejta e definimit t\u00eb emrit t\u00eb shtetit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00ebra prej pikave.<\/p>\n

Konsensusi i brendsh\u00ebm shqiptar, pastaj ai maqedonas-shqiptar duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb pik\u00eb themeltare e iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb re euroamerikane. Nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje mes partive shqiptare duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb se cilado parti shqiptare q\u00eb hyn n\u00eb Qeverin\u00eb e ardhshme t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb me kushtin q\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e emrit t\u00eb zgjidhet brenda nj\u00eb viti, dhe brenda k\u00ebtij viti Maqedonia t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohet n\u00eb NATO. Ky pozicion duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb baza e marr\u00ebveshjes maqedonase e shqiptare, para zgjedhjeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme parlamentare e do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahej me hapa konkret\u00eb t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb brenda NATO-s dhe shpejtimit t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb BE. Gjithashtu, dhjet\u00eb vjet pas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit, partit\u00eb shqiptare duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb llogarin\u00eb \u2013 dhe t\u00eb definojn\u00eb se \u00e7ka u \u00ebsht\u00eb mbetur borxh.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e emrit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb do t\u00eb zhbllokohet,do t\u00eb largohet nga sfera e popullizmit e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs, ku \u00ebsht\u00eb futur prej dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebsh n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e ardhm\u00ebris\u00eb evropiane t\u00eb vendit. E vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb se si ky vend mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb ardhm\u00ebri evropiane, apo madje edhe fare ardhm\u00ebri, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pajtohen edhe shqiptar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

8<\/strong>.
\nShqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb kushte tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshuara, pothuajse 20 vjet. \u00cbsht\u00eb kriza e vendosjes s\u00eb legjitimitetit t\u00eb pranuar t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, nj\u00eb trek\u00ebnd\u00ebsh i p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur dhe i st\u00ebrp\u00ebrs\u00ebritur mes pushtetit, opozit\u00ebs dhe bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Dy gj\u00ebra n\u00eb thelb nuk kan\u00eb ndryshuar: ankesat e bazuara t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs (kushdo q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb) dhe natyra e nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Opozita \u2013 kushdo t\u00eb ket\u00eb q\u00eblluar n\u00eb t\u00eb \u2013 ka pasur gjithnj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Zgjedhjet n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nuk kan\u00eb arritur (thuhet me shpoti: pos t\u00eb parave kur nuk kishte kush p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb vjedhjeje) p\u00ebrmbushjen e standardit t\u00eb pranueshm\u00ebris\u00eb, pra t\u00eb legjitimitetit.
\nDhe, nd\u00ebrhyrja e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe e nj\u00eb natyre, asaj t\u00eb zjarrfik\u00ebsit.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb papresedenc\u00eb n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit XX, ngase bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare u desh t\u00eb d\u00ebrgonte ushtar\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dy her\u00eb. S\u00eb pari p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar q\u00eb ndihma n\u00eb ushqim do t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrinte te qytetari me nevoj\u00eb dhe s\u00eb dyti p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar q\u00eb zhb\u00ebrja e shtetit m\u00eb 1997 t\u00eb mos degjeneronte n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb pariparueshme. Krahasuar me k\u00ebto, shkuarje-ardhjet e k\u00ebtij viti, t\u00eb diplomat\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb e evropian\u00eb, duken krejt\u00ebsisht minore \u2013 por thelbi \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebt e fundit, bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb vinte p\u00ebr t\u00eb rregulluar kriz\u00ebn e radh\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri.
\nDy ndryshime konceptuale mund t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb edhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e zgjidhjes s\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb legjitimitetit.<\/p>\n

Ndryshimi i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb formatin negociator. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb formatit ku negociatat zhvillohen her\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00ebr\u00ebn gj\u00eb e pastaj, pas nj\u00eb kohe, p\u00ebr tjetr\u00ebn, vendi ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr formatin e \u201cnegociat\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit\u201d. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb pal\u00ebt pajtohen t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb tryez\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb list\u00ebn e ankesave dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijonin nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb legjitimitetit t\u00eb plot\u00eb, me shprehje eksplicite se pas konkludimit t\u00eb procesit negociator nuk do t\u00eb ngrihen m\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs substanciale.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb ndryshim i k\u00ebtill\u00eb konceptual do t\u00eb evitonte besimin apo droj\u00ebn e tanishme mes poleve politike (\u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb ndjenja) se edhe kjo kriz\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballohet disi dhe se kund\u00ebrshtari do t\u00eb goditet n\u00eb prit\u00ebn e radh\u00ebs. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndryshim i k\u00ebtill\u00eb konceptual \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, q\u00eb t\u00eb tejkaloj\u00eb rolin e zjarrfik\u00ebsit.
\n\u201cNegociata e fundit\u201d do t\u00eb lidhej me t\u00ebr\u00eb list\u00ebn e problemeve t\u00eb hapura q\u00eb i ka vendi n\u00eb vendosjen e legjitimitetit demokratik t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb veta t\u00eb zgjedhura, duke filluar prej listave zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Ndryshimi i dyt\u00eb konceptual \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimit. N\u00eb nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebt e fundit, si\u00e7 u pa edhe n\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb skajshme, bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ka pasur nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje, kriz\u00eb pas krize. Kjo ka krijuar nj\u00eb instinkt t\u00eb \u201ccrisis response\u201d (\u201cp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj kriz\u00ebs), ndaj problemeve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Ardhja n\u00eb vitin 2011 e dy diplomat\u00ebve t\u00eb lart\u00eb amerikan\u00eb e evropian\u00eb, Steinberg dhe Laj\u00e7ak, me mision shtendosjeje t\u00eb acarimit mes pushtetit dhe opozit\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb reagim i k\u00ebtij instinkti.<\/p>\n

Natyra e nd\u00ebrhyrjes amerikane dhe asaj evropiane mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb. S\u00eb pari, duke mos e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur veten: Shqip\u00ebria nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201cshuttle diplomacy\u201d n\u00eb Bulevard, ku diplomat\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb dhe evropian\u00eb i kalojn\u00eb disa qindra metra prej Kryeministris\u00eb e Bashkis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u siguruar q\u00eb pal\u00ebt do t\u00eb ken\u00eb mir\u00ebsjellje. Tashm\u00eb pal\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt, pushteti dhe opozita, duhet t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar takimi, n\u00eb tryez\u00ebn e bisedimeve. Dhe, tryeza nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb as n\u00eb Strassbourg e as n\u00eb Bruksel, por n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, te presidenti i Republik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por, p\u00ebr dallim prej p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebhershme p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsim te Pallati i Brigadave, diplomat\u00ebt e lart\u00eb evropian\u00eb dhe amerikan\u00eb, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin p\u00ebrkrah\u00eb presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs, si p\u00ebrforcues t\u00eb procesit negociator.<\/p>\n

Dhe, p\u00ebr dallim prej m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si ka filluar nd\u00ebrhyrja evropiane dhe ajo amerikane, do ndryshuar profili i mesazhit euroamerikan. K\u00ebto negociata nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb n\u00eb list\u00ebn e zgjidhjes s\u00eb krizave, por negociata q\u00eb futen n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb ambicies evropiane t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00eb ndarjen burokratike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, nj\u00eb negociat\u00eb e k\u00ebtill\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se me zyr\u00ebn e baronesh\u00ebs Ashton do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte e lidhur me zyr\u00ebn e Stefan Fuhles. Konceptualisht, k\u00ebt\u00eb kriz\u00eb do ta sjell\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstin e zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, e jo n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb \u201crevolucioneve t\u00eb jaseminit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 u pa me liberalizimin e vizave, me nj\u00eb cak t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar dhe t\u00eb matsh\u00ebm, Shqip\u00ebria mund t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb reformat e nevojshme. Nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb e k\u00ebtill\u00eb, me caqe t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuara dhe t\u00eb matshme n\u00eb integrimin evropian, jan\u00eb t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr tryez\u00ebn e presidentit, gjegj\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr \u201cnegociat\u00ebn e fundit\u201d n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

\u201cNegociata e fundit\u201d p\u00ebr zgjedhje n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e lidhur me statusin e kandidatit t\u00eb vendit. Pa e arritur pajtimin, Shqip\u00ebria nuk mund ta fitoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb status.
\nNj\u00eb k\u00ebso liste caqesh jan\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e jet\u00ebs politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, e cila ka mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb pik\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb humbjes s\u00eb legjitimitetit t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve \u2013 nj\u00eb strukture q\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet korrupsionit \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ngr\u00ebn\u00eb substanc\u00ebn e konceptit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb vend.
\nKuti mat\u00ebs p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht: prej gjendjes s\u00eb tanishme t\u00eb shum\u00ebs s\u00eb ryshfetit n\u00eb gjendjen e indikator\u00ebve t\u00eb kaptinave t\u00eb negociatave me Bashkimin Evropian.<\/p>\n

Kosova buz\u00eb gremin\u00ebs <\/strong>(3<\/strong>)<\/p>\n

Kosova po drejtohet me shpejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe nga modeli i \u201cshtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar\u201d, nd\u00ebrsa riparimi i k\u00ebsaj krize nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb kornizat e tanishme<\/p>\n

9<\/strong>.
\nKrahasuar me dy krizat tjera t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive shqiptare, ajo e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlikuara, dhe gjendet buz\u00eb asaj gremine kur mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e pariparueshme.
\nShteti i pap\u00ebrfunduar, me munges\u00eb shtrirjeje t\u00eb autoritetit n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb tok\u00ebsore, me legjitimitet t\u00eb kontestuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, me ekonomi mbijetese bazike, institucione t\u00eb dob\u00ebta qeveris\u00ebse dhe nj\u00eb munges\u00eb qart\u00ebsie t\u00eb pranis\u00eb e kompetencave t\u00eb \u201cprotektorit evropian\u201d, Kosova ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl negativ politik t\u00eb papresedenc\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nivel t\u00eb opinionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ka rrezik t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb izoluar e t\u00eb rrethuar me nj\u00eb kordon sanitar politik. Me muaj t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb, n\u00eb opinionin relevant per\u00ebndimor Kosova po vler\u00ebsohet si vend i udh\u00ebhequr prej nj\u00eb zinxhiri mafioz-politik. K\u00ebtij vler\u00ebsimi nuk i ndihmon zgjedhja e dyshimt\u00eb (p\u00ebr shum\u00ebk\u00eb e turpshme) e nj\u00eb presidenti, emri i t\u00eb cilit ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb lidhshm\u00ebri me afera shp\u00eblarje parash t\u00eb Jelcinit e lider\u00ebve t\u00eb Azis\u00eb Qendrore se sa me angazhimin p\u00ebr demokraci e sundim t\u00eb ligjit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nivel t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, Kosova ka pasur zgjedhje me legjitimitet t\u00eb kontestuar dhe t\u00eb kontestuesh\u00ebm, q\u00eb kan\u00eb prodhuar nj\u00eb qeveri tejet t\u00eb brisht\u00eb nga aspekti i p\u00ebrkrahjes bazike t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs shqiptare dhe nj\u00eb president t\u00eb kontestuar edhe para se t\u00eb zgjidhet n\u00eb rrethana jolegjitime.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb negative, vendi do t\u00eb sfidohet edhe m\u00eb. Tashm\u00eb ka filluar nj\u00eb proces negociator me Serbin\u00eb, i nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga Bashkimi Evropian, i cili ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim esencial q\u00eb t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb statusin e kandidatit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet zgjidhjesh kompromisi n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes Kosov\u00ebs e Serbis\u00eb \u2013 kompromisi i nd\u00ebrtuar mbi kompromisin edhe ashtu gjeneroz t\u00eb arritur mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe presidentit Ahtisaari.<\/p>\n

E izoluar nga procesi historik i integrimeve evropiane, Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb protektorat i but\u00eb (dhe deri tani joefikas) i BE-s\u00eb. Dhe, n\u00eb form\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb funksionimit, u afrohet edhe kontinenteve t\u00eb tjera edhe koh\u00ebrave t\u00eb kaluara: sfida kryesore ekonomike e vendit p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rritja e prodhimit apo e pun\u00ebsimit, por shitja e aseteve ky\u00e7, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb PTK-ja, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbushur vrima t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb buxhetit p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb vit. Edhe kur t\u00eb kryhet kjo shitje, do t\u00eb shtrohet pyetja e ardhshme: \u00e7ka nga pasuria komb\u00ebtare do shitur p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbushur buxhetin e vitit 2012?<\/p>\n

Vendi po drejtohet me shpejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe nga modeli i \u201cshtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar\u201d.
\nRiparimi i k\u00ebsaj krize nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb kornizat e tanishme, ngase korniza e tanishme mund t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje si\u00e7 vijon:<\/p>\n

– Negociatat me Serbin\u00eb: ngrirjen e m\u00ebtejme t\u00eb veriut t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, shnd\u00ebrrimi i tij n\u00eb objekt negociatash p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb dhe munges\u00eb perspektive t\u00eb prekshme evropiane me Kosov\u00ebn.
\n– Ekonomia: cikli vicioz i shitjeve t\u00eb aseteve p\u00ebr mbushje vrimash buxhetore q\u00eb b\u00ebhen m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr shkak se mungon rritja e prodhimit.<\/p>\n

– Skena politike: institucione me munges\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha legjitimiteti t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm e t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorura p\u00ebr negociata me Serbin\u00eb dhe t\u00eb l\u00ebna q\u00eb t\u00eb luftojn\u00eb (qoft\u00eb edhe me dhun\u00eb) p\u00ebr ruajtjen e pushtetit.<\/p>\n

10<\/strong>.
\nKosova mund t\u00eb ec\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb tutje drejt gremin\u00ebs, por masa kritike e energjis\u00eb n\u00eb vend \u00ebsht\u00eb opozitare. Energjia opozitare, n\u00ebse nuk mungon nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimi institucional (vendime n\u00eb Kuvend, marr\u00ebveshje politike pushtet-opozit\u00eb) mund t\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, me t\u00eb vetmen k\u00ebrkes\u00eb: rr\u00ebzimin e pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Kosova, nga t\u00eb gjitha krizat shqiptare mbase \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi frym\u00ebs s\u00eb tanishme t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Magrebit, por, p\u00ebr dallim prej Egjiptit, e madje edhe Tunizis\u00eb, nuk do t\u00eb kishte as edhe nj\u00eb institucion t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm q\u00eb mund ta luante rolin stabilizues, si\u00e7 e b\u00ebri ushtria n\u00eb ato vende. Rr\u00ebzimi i pushtetit n\u00eb rrug\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte pjes\u00eb e s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs rrug\u00ebs drejt gremin\u00ebs, t\u00eb shthurjes s\u00eb m\u00ebtejme institucionale, me shpres\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt se n\u00eb fund t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ecjeje negative do t\u00eb dilte nj\u00eb kontekst i ri politik.<\/p>\n

Por, ndoshta ekziston ende mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb kontekstin e ri politik do k\u00ebrkuar dhe gjetur n\u00eb institucionet e vendit. Ato n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn e tanishme duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin dy hapa n\u00eb dy fushat ku rrezikohet substanca e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

E para \u00ebsht\u00eb fusha e legjitimitetit t\u00eb institucioneve. Vendi ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb besueshme t\u00eb presidentit t\u00eb vendit dhe krijimin e kushteve p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb ndershme lokale dhe parlamentare. Fatmir\u00ebsisht e n\u00eb parim, ekziston nj\u00eb konsensus bazik i spektrit politik q\u00eb presidenti i vendit t\u00eb zgjidhet me votim t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duke shfryt\u00ebzuar k\u00ebt\u00eb konsensus, vendi duhet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb amendamentimit kushtetues t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb presidentin, pa i ndryshuar kompetencat e presidentit, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb demokraci parlamentare. Alternativa mund t\u00eb imponohet me vendimin eventual t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese mbi veprimin antikushtetues t\u00eb Pacollit (apo zgjedhjen e tij jokushtetuese), me \u00e7\u2019gj\u00eb duhej larguar me t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb Pacollin prej postit. Por edhe ndaj k\u00ebtij veprimi p\u00ebrgjigjja do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte zgjedhja e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb e presidentit.<\/p>\n

Amendamentimi i thjesht\u00eb i Kushtetut\u00ebs, me vet\u00ebm m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e zgjedhjes s\u00eb presidentit , do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej n\u00eb qershor t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti. Zgjedhjet do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbaheshin brenda k\u00ebtij viti, edhe me gjith\u00eb rreziqet e precedenc\u00ebs negative t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb kaluara. Dy avantazhe n\u00eb k\u00ebto precedenca negative do t\u00eb ishin mobilizimi i shtuar p\u00ebr mbik\u00ebqyrje t\u00eb zgjedhjeve, si n\u00eb vend ashtu edhe nga v\u00ebzhguesit e huaj; gjithashtu fakti se do t\u00eb ishin zgjedhje teknikisht t\u00eb thjeshta, pa shum\u00eb operacione t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara num\u00ebrimi (si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me ato parlamentare).<\/p>\n

Dhe, po ashtu sivjet, duhet t\u00eb fillohet me reformat e nevojshme zgjedhore q\u00eb do t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb q\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme lokale dhe parlamentare (\u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje diskutabile ende a do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb hershme apo t\u00eb rregullta).<\/p>\n

Fusha e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e ardhm\u00ebris\u00eb evropiane t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpritet modeli i tanish\u00ebm i fillimit t\u00eb negociatave mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuara prej Bashkimit Evropian. Arsyet jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb thjeshta: n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm legjitimiteti, Kosova nuk mund t\u00eb flas\u00eb me nj\u00eb z\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashkuar p\u00ebr interesat e veta jetike. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, k\u00ebto negociata jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura n\u00eb asi formati q\u00eb p\u00ebr dy nga tri pal\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshira \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb perspektiva: p\u00ebr Beogradin statusi i kandidatit n\u00eb BE, p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsin evropian avancim institucional t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb re t\u00eb jashtme pas Traktatit t\u00eb Lisbon\u00ebs. P\u00ebr Prishtin\u00ebn ardhm\u00ebria evropiane mbetet e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb – krejt\u00ebsisht e paqart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebtij modeli, e pas konsolidimit t\u00eb legjitimitetit bazik institucional (t\u00eb garantuara me zgjedhje t\u00eb lira presidenciale) Kosova dhe BE duhet t\u00eb hulumtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb format bisedimesh q\u00eb i garanton Kosov\u00ebs barazi themeltare, barazi krahasuar me vendet tjera n\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn evropiane.<\/p>\n

11<\/strong>.
\nVendimet q\u00eb merren sot n\u00eb tri krizat shqiptare kan\u00eb implikime p\u00ebr dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebt e ardhsh\u00ebm, e ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshi, shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Ballkan do t\u00eb tundohen (n\u00eb kushte krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb reja) nga dy ide bazike integruese. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja e Bashkimit Evropian, nj\u00eb projekt q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim e sip\u00ebr. E dyta mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ideja lindore q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcohet k\u00ebto dit\u00eb nga nj\u00eb energji e re.<\/p>\n

Energjia e re lindore po nd\u00ebrtohet nga Turqia, nj\u00eb shteti me institucione demokratike dhe ekonomi kompetitive n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror. Po nd\u00ebrtohet po ashtu nga p\u00ebrjashtimi konceptual q\u00eb i b\u00ebhet Turqis\u00eb si an\u00ebtar eventual i Bashkimit Evropian, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb Turqin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e vet integruese \u201cneotomane\u201d, me shtetet q\u00eb ishin t\u00eb sunduara dikur nga Stambolli. Dhe kjo energji mund t\u00eb zhvillohet nga zhvillimi revolucionar n\u00eb Magreb e Lindje t\u00eb Mesme q\u00eb do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb si pik\u00eb reference nj\u00eb shtet mysliman demokratik e funksional- Turqin\u00eb e pad\u00ebshiruar nga BE-ja.<\/p>\n

Dikund n\u00eb mes t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy ideve, shqiptar\u00ebt mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb tundim. Mund t\u00eb tundohen, apo detyrohen t\u00eb tundohen me pyetjen se a do t\u00eb bashkohen mes vete territorialisht, me aksidentalitetin e historis\u00eb, apo me nj\u00eb projekt t\u00eb determinuar historik, brenda nj\u00eb konteksti t\u00eb gjer\u00eb evropian. Mbase edhe neootoman?<\/p>\n

(Fund<\/em>)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Veton Surroi 1. Tri shoq\u00ebri shqiptare n\u00eb Ballkan jan\u00eb n\u00eb prapakthim. 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