{"id":6219,"date":"2011-02-06T21:50:40","date_gmt":"2011-02-06T20:50:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=6219"},"modified":"2011-02-06T21:50:40","modified_gmt":"2011-02-06T20:50:40","slug":"shba-ve-u-pelqen-te-punojne-me-horra-te-tyre","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/shba-ve-u-pelqen-te-punojne-me-horra-te-tyre\/","title":{"rendered":"Shba-ve u p\u00eblqen t\u00eb punojn\u00eb me \u201chorra t\u00eb tyre\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

Glenn Kessler<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lexojeni k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim, titullin e t\u00eb cilit e kam ndryshuar (me ca hile, t\u00eb merremi vesh) n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebrin prej mesazheve t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella nga Glenn Kessler (titulli origjinal \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cHistory lesson: Why letting go is so hard to do\u201d). Jeni t\u00eb impresionuar nga q\u00ebndrimi pro-qeveritar i ambasadorit amerikan? Ky shkrim (se mos vet\u00ebm ky!) na thot\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb mos i japim shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb. Ai ka pun\u00ebn e vet, e shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb tyren. K\u00ebtu do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb duam ne q\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb, e jo \u00e7far\u00eb do nj\u00eb diplomat me emrin Arviz\u00fa, apo boss-\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij zot\u00ebrie n\u00eb Washington. Amerikan\u00ebt, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, kondicionohen nga nj\u00eb optik\u00eb rajonale e globale e gj\u00ebrave, e rrall\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb (s\u2019ka gj\u00eb se ata thon\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn), q\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebsaj optike ndjeshm\u00ebri t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs demokratike t\u00eb nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb vendeve si Shqip\u00ebria.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq, ata lidhen me nj\u00eb \u201cson of the bitch (le ta p\u00ebrkthejm\u00eb \u2018horr\u2019)\u201d, q\u00eb u vjen sipas mides\u00eb, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e gjitha p\u00ebr ta; kuptohet, p\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb, sa ky horr ia del t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb zap faktor\u00ebt lokal\u00eb t\u00eb reagimit e t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs. N\u00eb momentin, q\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb marrin n\u00eb duar fatin e tyre, Arviz\u00fa-t\u00eb s\u2019e kan\u00eb p\u00ebr gj\u00eb t\u2019i japin munx\u00ebt horrit t\u00eb tyre, t\u00eb kthejn\u00eb pllak\u00ebn f\u00ebt e f\u00ebt, dhe t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb e t\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr \u201cshtyp jo t\u00eb lir\u00eb, zgjedhje t\u00eb manipuluara, p\u00ebr qeveri (e jo shoq\u00ebri) t\u00eb korruptuar, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb edhe mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohet para kohe, p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, p\u00ebr burra shteti q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e opozit\u00ebs\u201d, etj, etj.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyesi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Qysh nga momenti q\u00eb ka nisur kriza egjyptiane (po b\u00ebhen dy jav\u00eb), Presidenti Obama ka q\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn trysni p\u00ebr t\u00eb deklaruar qart\u00eb e prer\u00eb, se \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb Hosni Mubarak t\u00eb largohet nga pushteti\u201d. Obama ka arritur t\u00eb thot\u00eb, se \u201ctranzicioni drejt nj\u00eb qeverie p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese duhet t\u00eb filloj\u00eb tani\u201d, por nuk ka shkuar m\u00eb tutje n\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin anti-Mubarak. Dhe ka disa arsye p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb. Ai nuk do q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb, se po i jep urdh\u00ebra nj\u00eb leader-i tjet\u00ebr, e sidomos nj\u00eb leader-i q\u00eb ka q\u00ebn\u00eb luajal p\u00ebr tri dekada me radh\u00eb me Shtetet e Bashkuara. E sikur t\u00eb ndodhte q\u00eb Mubaraku ta refuzonte nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb p\u00ebr dor\u00ebheqje t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb nga Obama, gj\u00ebrat do t\u00eb komplikoheshin; Shtetet e Bashkuara do t\u00eb humbisnin ndikimin dhe fuqin\u00eb n\u00eb Egjypt. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, Obama e di mir\u00eb se aleat\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs jan\u00eb duke ndjekur me kujdes situat\u00ebn, dhe me siguri jan\u00eb kureshtar\u00eb t\u00eb din\u00eb, n\u00ebse ai i mban apo i flak aleat\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb i mundsh\u00ebm i k\u00ebsaj historie \u2013 n\u00eb optik\u00ebn amerikane, kuptohet \u2013 do t\u00eb ishte q\u00eb Mubaraku vet\u00eb t\u00eb vendoste t\u00eb ikte sa m\u00eb shpejt nga pushteti, dhe k\u00ebshtu opinioni publik bot\u00ebror do t\u00eb shihte, se Shtetet e Bashkuara nuk e masakruan Mubarakun; e shumta, i dhan\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb shtyme t\u00eb leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Obama i pari q\u00eb po jeton me k\u00ebt\u00eb nd\u00ebrdyshje. Ka tre raste t\u00eb koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt del, se president\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb kan\u00eb mbajtur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me diktator\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara prej zem\u00ebrimit popullor deri n\u00eb minut\u00ebn e fundit, madje edhe kur kriza ka zgjatur p\u00ebr muaj t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb. Ja, \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur (sa m\u00eb posht\u00eb, n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb nga librat me kujtime t\u00eb k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebve presidencial\u00eb).<\/p>\n

R\u00ebnia e Shahut t\u00eb Iranit, 1979<\/p>\n

Shahu i Iranit, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, ka q\u00ebn\u00eb ndoshta nj\u00eb njeri paranojak, q\u00eb e mbronte veten me forca t\u00eb shumta e t\u00eb frikshme sigurimi, por regjimi i tij ka q\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr ndikimin amerikan n\u00eb gjirin persik. Jimmy Carter, nj\u00eb vit para se t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohej shahu, bash n\u00eb prag t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb ri, ka q\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb Teheran, dhe atje, duke ngritur nj\u00eb dolli, ka th\u00ebn\u00eb: “Irani, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb urt\u00eb e t\u00eb men\u00e7ur t\u00eb shahut, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ishull q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrie n\u00eb nj\u00eb rajon t\u00eb trazuar t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. K\u00ebt\u00eb got\u00eb e ngre p\u00ebr ju shk\u00eblqesi, p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsit\u00eb tuaja t\u00eb drejtimit, dhe p\u00ebr dashurin\u00eb e admirimin, q\u00eb populli iranian demonstron p\u00ebr ju\u201d. Ish nj\u00eb dolli e pafat. Nuk kaluan pak dit\u00eb, dhe nis\u00ebn demonstratat kund\u00ebr sundimit t\u00eb shahut. N\u00ebnt\u00eb muaj pas k\u00ebsaj vizite, dhuna shp\u00ebrtheu n\u00eb sheshin Jaleh t\u00eb Teheranit, dhe trupat vran\u00eb nj\u00eb numur demonstruesish. N\u00eb ato rrethana, Carter-i ia b\u00ebri nj\u00eb telefonat\u00eb shahut.<\/p>\n

“Presidenti i tha se ai po i telefononte p\u00ebr t\u2019i shprehur miq\u00ebsin\u00eb e shqet\u00ebsimin e tij lidhur me ngjarjet\u201d, shkruan Zbigniew Brzezinski, k\u00ebshilltari i tij mbi Sigurin\u00eb Nacionale, n\u00eb librin e tij me kujtime Power and Principle. “Ai i uroi shahut fat e mbar\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrballimin e zgjidhjen e k\u00ebtyre situatave e n\u00eb kryerjen e reformave t\u00eb nevojshme.” Carter-i i mb\u00ebshteti p\u00ebrpjekjet e shahut p\u00ebr reforma si \u201cm\u00eb t\u00eb mirat e mundshme\u201d.<\/p>\n

Kriza mori p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb tjera, megjithat\u00eb. N\u00eb dat\u00ebn 27 tetor, ambasadori i SHBA-ve u ngarkua t\u2019i p\u00ebrcillte nj\u00eb mesazh shahut: “Shtetet e Bashkuara e mb\u00ebshtetin at\u00eb pa asnj\u00eb rezerv\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto momente t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs.\u201d N\u00eb mesazh thuhej, gjithashtu, se shtetet e Bashkuara ishin t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijshme, se \u201cIrani kish nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb leadership t\u00eb vendosur, q\u00eb t\u00eb rivendoste rendin\u201d, dhe se \u201ci takon shahut t\u00eb vendos\u00eb, n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeveri koalicioni apo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeveri ushatarake\u2026. \u00c7far\u00ebdo rruge q\u00eb ai do t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb, neve na ka me vete.\u201d Edhe Brzezinski vet\u00eb b\u00ebri nj\u00eb telefonat\u00eb me shahun, p\u00ebr t\u2019ia b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb, se \u201cpresidenti amerikan \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb tij.\u201d Shahu e mori mesazhin, dhe nuk vonoi q\u00eb t\u00eb krijonte nj\u00eb qeveri ushtarake. Por kjo nuk mjaftoi q\u00eb ta frenonte kriz\u00ebn, dhe administrata e Carter-it u trondit keq me at\u00eb rast.<\/p>\n

Deri n\u00eb mesin e muajit janar, kur shahu ra (kat\u00ebr muaj pas vrasjeve n\u00eb sheshin Jaleh), administrata vazhdonte t\u00eb diskutonte, n\u00ebse duhej inkurajuar nj\u00eb grusht militar shteti apo duhej vendosur n\u00eb favor t\u00eb nj\u00eb pushtimi ushtarak me synimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur fushat naft\u00ebmbajt\u00ebse. Carter-i “nuk do ta kalonte kufirin mezi t\u00eb dalluesh\u00ebm q\u00eb ndante mb\u00ebshtetjen e fort\u00eb (q\u00eb ai ia dha shahut me boll\u00ebk e k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulje) nga vendimi konkret n\u00eb favor t\u00eb nj\u00eb aksioni t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjaksh\u00ebm me fund t\u00eb paparashikuesh\u00ebm\u201d, p\u00ebrfundon Brzezinski.<\/p>\n

R\u00ebnia e Marcos-it, 1986<\/p>\n

Presidenti i Filipineve, Ferdinand Marcos, ka q\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr aleat jet\u00ebgjat\u00eb. Ai ra dakord t\u00eb ofronte vendin e vet p\u00ebr dy baza ushtarake shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr SHBA-t\u00eb, dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim zyrtar\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb e b\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb sy qorr e nj\u00eb vesh shurdh ndaj korrupsionit t\u00eb shfrenuar t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb tij. N\u00eb vitin 1981, zv.Presidenti i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm, George H.W. Bush, e mbuloi me l\u00ebvdata Marcos-in \u201cp\u00ebr vendosm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tij n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb parimeve e proceseve demokratike.” Presidenti Ronald Reagan e refuzonte hapur iden\u00eb, se mund t\u00eb kish ndonj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr jo komuniste n\u00eb vend t\u00eb Marcos-it.<\/p>\n

Por n\u00eb gusht t\u00eb vitit 1983, politikani n\u00eb egzil i opozit\u00ebs, Benigno Aquino, u vra n\u00eb aeroportin e Manilas, teksa po kthehej n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, dhe kjo b\u00ebri q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja e brendshme p\u00ebr regjimin e Marcos-it t\u00eb binte. Ky i fundit u shtr\u00ebngua t\u00eb shpallte zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme p\u00ebr n\u00eb dat\u00ebn 7 shkurt 1986. E veja e Aquino-s, Corazon Aquino, mori vendimin p\u00ebr t\u2019u futur n\u00eb politik\u00eb e p\u00ebr t\u00eb kandiduar, dhe b\u00ebri p\u00ebr vete turma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha njer\u00ebzish. N\u00eb dit\u00ebn e votimit pati raportime, se zgjedhjet po vidheshin dit\u00ebn me diell. Sipas tyre, ishte e sigurt\u00eb q\u00eb Aquino fitoi, por n\u00eb fund Asambleja Nacionale, tok me presidenc\u00ebn, u mor\u00ebn nga Marcos-i.<\/p>\n

E dini? Bash n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, sekretari i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm i shtetit George P. Shultz e kish vendosur tanim\u00eb, q\u00eb Marcos-i duhej t\u00eb largohej (e thot\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb librin e tij me kujtime “Turmoil and Triumph).” Por ai ish i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se kjo pun\u00eb nuk ish aq e thjesht\u00eb. Nj\u00eb nga ndihm\u00ebsit e Shultz-it e ka pohuar, se \u201cpresidenti anonte nga ideja p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb telefonat\u00eb Marcos-it e p\u00ebr ta uruar p\u00ebr fitoren.\u201d Dhe n\u00eb fakt, Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb nxorri fillimisht nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb, ku thuhej se Marcos-i i kish fituar zgjedhjet. M\u00eb pas, nd\u00ebrsa po dilte n\u00eb shesh manipulimi, instikti m\u00eb i par\u00eb i Reagan-it n\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb p\u00ebr shtypin ishte t\u2019i faj\u00ebsonte q\u00eb t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt (n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb) p\u00ebr manipulimin e zgjedhjeve. Kriza po merrte p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u2013 nd\u00ebrsa edhe Marcos, edhe Aquino, po deklaronin fitore \u2013 por administrata e Reagan-it vijonte t\u00eb reagonte me shum\u00eb kujdes.<\/p>\n

Ndodhi n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, q\u00eb dy oficer\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb usharak\u00eb dhan\u00eb dor\u00ebheqjen, dhe vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrethan\u00eb Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb i dha karar pun\u00ebs, t\u00eb deklaronte, se \u201cdor\u00ebheqja e tyre rrit shqet\u00ebsimin ton\u00eb lidhur me manipulimin e zgjedhjeve presidenciale\u201d. Por ambasadori amerikan d\u00ebrgon nj\u00eb telegram n\u00eb Washington, ku thot\u00eb: \u201cMarcos nuk e jep dor\u00ebheqjen, n\u00ebse k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk ia k\u00ebrkon Presidenti Reagan. Ai po planifikon t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb betimin n\u00eb 48 or\u00ebt e ardhshme.\u201d Reagan-i nguroi. K\u00ebshilltari i tij e paralaj\u00ebmroi se po p\u00ebrs\u00ebritej Irani. M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, m\u00eb 24 shkurt, ai mori vendimin p\u00ebr t\u2019i telefonuar Marcos-it e p\u00ebr t\u2019i k\u00ebrkuar dor\u00ebheqjen. “Por k\u00ebt\u00eb po ia k\u00ebrkonte i vrar\u00eb n\u00eb shpirt, pasi Marcos-i kish q\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb mik p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb aleat anti-komunist\u201d, shkruan Shultz-i. “Arsyeja i thosh nj\u00eb gj\u00eb Ronald Reagan-it; nd\u00ebrsa zemra i thosh nj\u00eb gj\u00eb krejt tjet\u00ebr.”<\/p>\n

Kur ambasadori amerikan i dor\u00ebzoi mesazhin e dor\u00ebheqjes, Marcos-i mbeti keq. E refuzoi iden\u00eb, dhe tha, se \u201cky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konkluzion qesharak\u201d. M\u00eb pas, Marcos-i k\u00ebrkoi t\u00eb kish rolin e nj\u00eb k\u00ebshilltari t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e re. E m\u00eb n\u00eb fund, senatorit republican nga Nevada Paul Laxalt i ra barra ta merrte n\u00eb telefon Marcos-in, dhe t\u2019ia priste shkurt: \u201cDuhet t\u00eb l\u00ebsh vendin; s\u2019ke alternativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.\u201d Reagan-i u ndje keq, q\u00eb nuk mundi ta mbronte mikun dhe aleatin n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kriz\u00eb, q\u00eb zgjati tre muaj.<\/p>\n

R\u00ebnia e Suhartos, 1998 <\/strong><\/p>\n

Suharto-ja, nj\u00eb ish-gjeneral indonezian, mori komand\u00ebn e vendit t\u00eb vet n\u00eb vitin 1966 dhe e sundoi p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se tri dekada kombin e kat\u00ebrt t\u00eb bot\u00ebs p\u00ebrsa i takon numrit t\u00eb banor\u00ebve; korrupsionin e madh t\u00eb vetin e t\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb tij e maskonte me nj\u00eb lust\u00ebr demokracie. Por Indonezia ishte nj\u00eb aleat i ngusht\u00eb i SHBA-ve.<\/p>\n

Kur ky vend u godit fort nga kriza ekonomike, q\u00eb kapi Azin\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1997, shum\u00ebkush jetonte me frik\u00ebn, se ky vend i madh i 13 mij\u00eb ishujve do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhej sa hap e mbyll syt\u00eb, n\u00ebse frer\u00ebt e drejtimit nuk do t\u00eb ishin n\u00eb duart e Suharto-s. Ky i fundit kish nj\u00eb ndikim rajonal, gjithashtu, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i vinte prej faktit q\u00eb kish vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra q\u00eb drejtonte Indonezin\u00eb. Fillimisht, Presidenti Bill Clinton b\u00ebri \u00e7mos ta fuste Suharto-n n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e reformave, dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, ai i b\u00ebri nj\u00eb telefonat\u00eb m\u00eb 8 janar 1998, duke e cytur t\u00eb vijonte me reformat, dhe duke i shprehur besimin e tij t\u00eb plot\u00eb, se n\u00ebn drejtimin e tij Indonezia do ta kap\u00ebrcente k\u00ebt\u00eb kriz\u00eb. Pastaj, kur Suharto u ndoll prej ides\u00eb plot rreziqe p\u00ebr ta fuqizuar artificialisht monedh\u00ebn indoneziane, Clinton-i i b\u00ebri nj\u00eb telefonat\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u2019i th\u00ebn\u00eb se duhej t\u00eb hiqte dor\u00eb nga kjo ide, dhe t\u00eb ndiqte linjat e programit t\u00eb FMN-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Grupe zyrtar\u00ebsh t\u00eb SHBA-ve udh\u00ebtuan shpesh p\u00ebr n\u00eb Xhakart\u00eb at\u00eb mot, me synimin p\u00ebr t\u2019mos e l\u00ebn\u00eb Suharto-n t\u00eb vepronte me kok\u00eb t\u00eb vet. \u201cPelegrinazhi i zyrtar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb me profil t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00eb Xhakart\u00eb\u201d, shkruante ato koh\u00eb gazeta Los Angeles Times, \u201cla p\u00ebrshtypjen mes indonezian\u00ebve t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb, se amerikan\u00ebt po mb\u00ebshtesnin edhe nj\u00ebher\u00eb tjet\u00ebr regjimin e Suharto-s.” Demonstratat kund\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb u shtuan dhe u fuqizuan, gj\u00eb q\u00eb lidhej dhe me hamend\u00ebsimet, se regjimi i Suharto-s rr\u00ebmbente, torturonte e zhdukte njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb ishin kritik\u00eb ndaj tij; por administrata e Clinton-it q\u00ebndroi e fokusuar tek rreziqet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs ekonomike.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 2 maj, Gazeta Washington Post raportonte, se zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs thon\u00eb se, \u201cpavar\u00ebsisht kritikave q\u00eb po shtohen kund\u00ebr regjimit t\u00eb Suharto-s lidhur me t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, ata nuk e \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr mendje iden\u00eb e anulimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb huaje t\u00eb FMN-s\u00eb n\u00eb ndihm\u00eb t\u00eb Indonezis\u00eb, q\u00eb kap shifr\u00ebn e 43 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00ebve. Ai vend ka nevoj\u00eb dramatike p\u00ebr cash, e n\u00ebse kjo nevoj\u00eb nuk u p\u00ebrmbushet, kriza ekonomike do t\u00eb thellohet, dhe trazirat mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme.”<\/p>\n

Pozicioni i administrat\u00ebs ndryshoi vet\u00ebm n\u00eb 12 maj, kur forcat e ruajtjes s\u00eb rendit dhe gardist\u00ebt vran\u00eb student\u00eb t\u00eb paarmatosur q\u00eb po protestonin. The State Department zuri t\u00eb mendonte, se ish bash koha q\u00eb Suharto-ja t\u00eb l\u00ebshonte nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb pushtetit; n\u00eb mos, t\u00eb t\u00ebrin. Ai dha dor\u00ebheqje m\u00eb 21 maj 1998, gjasht\u00eb muaj pasi kriza kish filluar.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu: M. Nano<\/strong>
\nMarr\u00eb nga Wall Street Journal <\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Glenn Kessler Lexojeni k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim, titullin e t\u00eb cilit e kam ndryshuar (me ca hile, t\u00eb merremi vesh) n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebrin prej mesazheve t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella nga Glenn Kessler (titulli origjinal \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cHistory lesson: Why letting go is so hard to do\u201d). Jeni t\u00eb impresionuar nga q\u00ebndrimi pro-qeveritar i ambasadorit amerikan? Ky […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6219","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\nShba-ve u p\u00eblqen t\u00eb punojn\u00eb me \u201chorra t\u00eb tyre\u201d - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/shba-ve-u-pelqen-te-punojne-me-horra-te-tyre\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Shba-ve u p\u00eblqen t\u00eb punojn\u00eb me \u201chorra t\u00eb tyre\u201d - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Glenn Kessler Lexojeni k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim, titullin e t\u00eb cilit e kam ndryshuar (me ca hile, t\u00eb merremi vesh) n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebrin prej mesazheve t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella nga Glenn Kessler (titulli origjinal \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cHistory lesson: Why letting go is so hard to do\u201d). 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FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/shba-ve-u-pelqen-te-punojne-me-horra-te-tyre\/","og_locale":"sq_AL","og_type":"article","og_title":"Shba-ve u p\u00eblqen t\u00eb punojn\u00eb me \u201chorra t\u00eb tyre\u201d - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","og_description":"Glenn Kessler Lexojeni k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim, titullin e t\u00eb cilit e kam ndryshuar (me ca hile, t\u00eb merremi vesh) n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebrin prej mesazheve t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella nga Glenn Kessler (titulli origjinal \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cHistory lesson: Why letting go is so hard to do\u201d). 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