{"id":49,"date":"2011-11-09T22:34:07","date_gmt":"2011-11-09T21:34:07","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=49"},"modified":"2011-11-09T22:34:07","modified_gmt":"2011-11-09T21:34:07","slug":"berisha-nje-hitler-i-demokracise-shqiptare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/berisha-nje-hitler-i-demokracise-shqiptare\/","title":{"rendered":"Berisha, nj\u00eb Hitler i Demokracis\u00eb Shqiptare"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\nTemA<\/strong>, 9 N\u00ebntor 2011<\/em><\/p>\n

Fragment nga \u201cKomploti Kund\u00ebr Liris\u00eb\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Analiza e lidershipit dhe i p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimet e tranzicionit shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tre rrafshet kryesore t\u00eb librit t\u00eb Andrea Stefanit. Dhe Sali Berisha, si figura qendrore e k\u00ebtij tranzicioni \u00ebsht\u00eb shqyrtuar n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb tiparet e tij politike si autokrat, mashtrues, destruktiv, mafioz e deri edhe nekrofil. K\u00ebtu po japim analiz\u00ebn e destruktiviteti t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs:<\/p>\n

* * *<\/p>\n

Ai s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb.
\nPor hija e tij q\u00ebndon ende mbi ne.
\nDhe ne i bindemi.<\/em>
\nSvjetllana Allilujeva <\/strong>(Vajza e Stalinit<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Nj\u00eb artikull i publikuar vite m\u00eb par\u00eb u b\u00eb edhe shtytja p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb thyes\u00eb t\u00eb kapitullit. I debatuar jo pak n\u00eb forumet e internetit, artikulli u kritikua apo u mburr nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrime t\u00eb ndryshme. Dikush mendonte se krahasimi i Berish\u00ebs me Hitlerin ishte pa vend nga q\u00eb ky i fundit ishte diktatori i nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb madh si Gjermania nd\u00ebrsa Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb pushtetar i nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfillsh\u00ebm si Shqip\u00ebria. Dikush tjet\u00ebr arriti t\u00eb mburr\u00eb edhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb oratorike dhe sugjestionuese t\u00eb Hitlerit q\u00eb mungon n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn folklorike t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs. Por thuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb d\u00ebshtonin t\u00eb kuptonin se krahasimi tentonte t\u00eb evidentonte, edhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ngjashm\u00ebrive t\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqshme dhe t\u00eb rastit, nj\u00eb simetri thelb\u00ebsore, thuajse karakteriale mes dy lider\u00ebve dhe q\u00eb, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk mund t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb faktor n\u00eb rrokullimat dhe tragjedit\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur dhe do ndodhin.<\/p>\n

Destruktivisti<\/strong><\/p>\n

Un\u00eb nuk jam angazhuar personalisht me Berish\u00ebn, por me elementin shkat\u00ebrrues t\u00eb shtetit shqiptar q\u00eb quhet Berish\u00eb\u2026 q\u00ebndrimi im ndaj Berish\u00ebs ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me faktin se\u2026 shteti p\u00ebr mua \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb Rozaf\u00eb q\u00eb gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebs shfaqej si shtet dhe gjat\u00eb nat\u00ebs shikoja Berish\u00ebn tek e shkat\u00ebrronte. <\/em><\/p>\n

Frrok \u00c7upi <\/strong><\/p>\n

V\u00ebrej se ekziston nj\u00eb gen shkat\u00ebrrues n\u00eb politik\u00ebn shqiptare<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Karsten Ankjaer Jensen<\/em>
\n(Ambasadori i Danimark\u00ebs n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb<\/em>)<\/p>\n

Instikti i shkat\u00ebrrimit \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebshoq\u00ebrues i instiktit t\u00eb vdekjes. Dhe t\u00ebr\u00eb karriera e st\u00ebrgjat\u00eb e Berish\u00ebs p\u00ebrshkohet nga gjakimi i shkat\u00ebrrimit p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb pushtetit absolut. Po sa her\u00eb do lejohet t\u00eb rr\u00ebnohet shteti dhe Shqip\u00ebria p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb pushtetit personal t\u00eb k\u00ebtij njeriu? A nuk ishte i mjaft\u00eb viti 1997? Po grushti i shtetit i vitit 1998? Po vrasja dhe rr\u00ebnimi i jet\u00ebve n\u00eb G\u00ebrdec p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb bab\u00ebzis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimit? Po vrasja e 4 protestuesve n\u00eb janar 2011? Po rr\u00ebnimi i buxhetit me an\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb korrupsioni dhe pap\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebrie q\u00eb epshin p\u00ebr pushtet dhe fitime t\u00eb paligjshme, e maskon me patriotiz\u00ebm? Po shkat\u00ebrrimi i pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb institucioneve, opozit\u00ebs, medias? Po shkat\u00ebrrimi fizik i Zogut t\u00eb Zi vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb kapri\u00e7io shum\u00eb milion\u00ebshe e luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr pushtet? Jan\u00eb edhe shum\u00eb e shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan q\u00eb gjen forc\u00eb te shkat\u00ebrrimi. Gjith\u00eb karriera e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb e mbushur me prova t\u00eb karakterit t\u00eb tij destruktiv. Edhe n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e Berish\u00ebs, n\u00eb t\u00eb folur\u00ebn e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb e pranishme p\u00ebrher\u00eb nj\u00eb doz\u00eb e fort\u00eb destruksioni. Para se t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2005 k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonte se do t\u2019i vinte \u201crusp\u00ebn\u201d mafies me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn n\u00ebnkuptonte rival\u00ebt politik\u00eb. Edhe arritjet pozitive ai i percepton n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb destruktive, si shkat\u00ebrrim. Pes\u00eb vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb, n\u00eb antimitingun e 8 dhjetorit 2009, Berisha ftoi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb bashkoheshin me \u201curaganin e integrimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb\u201d. V\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb gjendet lider me mend\u00ebsi per\u00ebndimore q\u00eb do ta krahasonte integrimin si proces me nj\u00eb uragan thelbi i t\u00eb cilit, si dukuri natyrore, \u00ebsht\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimi. Ja nj\u00eb fraz\u00eb tjet\u00ebr po nga ai fjalim:<\/p>\n

\u201cNe q\u00eb s\u00eb bashku shemb\u00ebm mure, blloqe dhe diktatura, ne s\u00eb shpejti do t\u00eb fshijm\u00eb kufijt\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb l\u00ebvizim t\u00eb lir\u00eb n\u00eb mbar\u00eb Europ\u00ebn\u201d (Gazeta \u201cRilindja Demokratike\u201d, 9 dhjetor 2009, Sali Berisha, \u201cHedhurinat e s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb mund ta ndalin kurr\u00eb vrapin ton\u00eb\u201d)<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vjesht\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2010 debatit politik iu shtua dhe nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje tjet\u00ebr, ajo n\u00ebse duhej shkat\u00ebrruar godina e \u201cPiramid\u00ebs\u201d e ndodhur n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb Kryeqytetit. Ajo ishte nd\u00ebrtuar pas vdekjes s\u00eb diktatorit Enver Hoxha si nj\u00eb muze p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar kujtimin dhe vepr\u00ebn e tij. Por si pa dashje projekti kish marr\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb piramide dhe n\u00eb fakt, sikur p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsonte figur\u00ebn e ish Faraonit komunist. Megjithat\u00eb kishin kaluar 20 vjet nga r\u00ebnia e komunizmit, piramida qe shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Kultur\u00ebs \u201cPjert\u00ebr Arbnori\u201d dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kishte disa studio edhe stacioni televiziv \u201cTop Channel\u201d i sulmuar koh\u00eb pas kohe nga Berisha.<\/p>\n

Dhe pasi i kish dh\u00ebn\u00eb udh\u00eb nj\u00eb projekti prej rreth 5 milion\u00eb eurosh p\u00ebr ta shnd\u00ebrruar \u201cPiramid\u00ebn\u201d n\u00eb Teat\u00ebr Komb\u00ebtar, befas Berisha deklaroi se ajo duhej shkat\u00ebrruar nga q\u00eb ishte simboli i diktatur\u00ebs komuniste dhe i diktatorit. Nuk qe e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb lexoje pas k\u00ebsaj manovre nevoj\u00ebn politike q\u00eb kish Berisha p\u00ebr t\u2019u rikthyer tek tema e vjet\u00ebr e \u201cantikomunizmit\u201d. Nd\u00ebrsa elektorati po i pak\u00ebsohej duksh\u00ebm, ai \u00ebnd\u00ebrronte t\u00eb kthente koh\u00ebt e vjetra kur n\u00ebn flamurin e \u201cantikomunizmit\u201d, kish pasur pas vetes shumic\u00ebn e shqiptar\u00ebve. Ishte n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb donkishotiz\u00ebm q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte rikthimin e fillimit t\u00eb viteve \u201990 t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar kur shqiptar\u00ebt ishin p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb konvencionalisht n\u00eb komunist\u00eb dhe demokrat\u00eb. Nj\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7arje q\u00eb e kish sjell\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. Pra kishim t\u00eb b\u00ebnim me nj\u00eb lloj ngasjeje prej Cezari q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb ringjallte nj\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7arje t\u00eb suksesshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por nd\u00ebrkaq, n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thelluar psikologjike, thirrja p\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrrimin e godin\u00ebs s\u00eb Piramid\u00ebs n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb fakt m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb zinxhirin e fakteve, q\u00eb provonin se vendi drejtohej nga nj\u00eb politikan me pasione thell\u00ebsisht destruktive. Po provohej p\u00ebrs\u00ebri se nuk qe aspak e rastit q\u00eb bashk\u00eb me shfaqjen e Sali Berish\u00ebs si kryepolitikan n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve \u201990, u pa t\u00eb rritet edhe doza e destruktivitetit n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politiko-ekonomike t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Aq sa n\u00eb vitin \u201897 shqiptar\u00ebt u qorrollis\u00ebn edhe n\u00eb gremin\u00ebn e rr\u00ebnimit t\u00eb shtetit. Edhe politikan\u00eb dhe lider\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb mbajn\u00eb mbi shpin\u00eb m\u00ebkate tragjedish dhe shkat\u00ebrrimesh.<\/p>\n

Por n\u00eb rastin e Berish\u00ebs v\u00ebrehet ajo q\u00eb, Erich Fromm, duke analizuar karakterin e Adolf Hitlerit, do ta p\u00ebrkufizonte si nj\u00eb \u201cshp\u00ebrpjes\u00ebtim mes shkat\u00ebrrimit q\u00eb ai urdh\u00ebroi dhe arsyeve realiste q\u00eb i dhan\u00eb shtys\u00ebn\u201d. Jam p\u00ebrpjekur m\u00eb sip\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjegoj ngjashm\u00ebrin\u00eb mes Berish\u00ebs dhe Hitlerit, ngjashm\u00ebri q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se n\u00eb tiparet, veset apo aft\u00ebsit\u00eb, q\u00ebndron n\u00eb karakterin nekrofil prej dhe nga gjenerohen impulse t\u00eb vazhdueshme destruktiviteti. Prandaj, mund t\u00eb thuhet se jo pak veprime edhe t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe rasti m\u00eb i fundit i Piramid\u00ebs:<\/p>\n

\u201cnuk mund t\u00eb shpjegohen me motivime strategjike por jan\u00eb fryt i pasionit t\u00eb nj\u00eb burri thell\u00ebsisht nekrofil\u201d. (Erih From, Anatomia e Destruktivitetit Njer\u00ebzor, V\u00ebll 2, fq.349)<\/p>\n

Sepse \u00e7do njeri me aft\u00ebsi normale reflektimi do ta kuptonte se shkat\u00ebrrimi i nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtese, qoft\u00eb edhe ajo e muzeut t\u00eb ish diktatorit Enver Hoxha, nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrligjej dot me demagogjin\u00eb e Berish\u00ebs se ish-piramida e zez\u00eb e diktatorit nuk mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs. N\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb akt i till\u00eb destruksioni nuk i jepte ndonj\u00eb goditje diktatur\u00ebs komuniste t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar 20 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, shkat\u00ebrrimi i tipit taleban i nj\u00eb godine, mbante gjall\u00eb thelbin destruktiv t\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs! Pra qe evidente se \u201cantikomunizmi\u201d edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb rast, b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb alibi p\u00ebr t\u00eb maskuar \u201cme politik\u00eb\u201d nj\u00eb pasion nekrofil t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs, pasionin \u201cp\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar prej k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar\u201d.<\/p>\n

Erih From, n\u00ebnvizon se prirja nekrofile:<\/p>\n

\u201d\u2026shprehet m\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht kur k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb d\u00ebmtohet di\u00e7ka e bukur si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00eb\u2026\u201d dhe se \u201cpasioni p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar nd\u00ebrtesa e qytete meriton v\u00ebmendje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u201d. (Po aty, fq. 344)<\/p>\n

Madje shton se mund t\u00eb hamend\u00ebsohet deri se dhe planet e Hitlerit p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar qytete, ishin nj\u00eb shkas p\u00ebr t\u2019i shkat\u00ebrruar ato m\u00eb par\u00eb\u201d. Kishte shum\u00eb shenja q\u00eb shtynin t\u00eb hamend\u00ebsojm\u00eb se edhe plani i Berish\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb \u201cteat\u00ebr\u201d apo nj\u00eb \u201cparlament\u201d, \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb shkas p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar m\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00eb t\u00eb pafajshme si Piramida. Kishim t\u00eb b\u00ebnim me nj\u00eb shprehje t\u00eb epshit p\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrrim q\u00eb ndizet koh\u00eb pas kohe dhe aspak e nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar komunizmin. Sepse Piramida nuk qe i vetmi rast shkat\u00ebrrimi i urdh\u00ebruar nga Berisha. Kujtojm\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb mbikalimit t\u00eb Zogut t\u00eb Zi edhe shkat\u00ebrrimet e plan\u00ebzuara n\u00eb Hamallaj dhe i nd\u00ebrtimeve n\u00eb Himar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb p\u00ebrligjura me shkaqe urbanistike por n\u00eb fakt, nd\u00ebrtime t\u00eb toleruara t\u00eb ngrihen (ose t\u00eb premtuara se do legalizohen) kinse p\u00ebr t\u2019u shkat\u00ebrruar m\u00eb von\u00eb. Nj\u00eb pritshm\u00ebri e till\u00eb cinike dhe dinake nj\u00ebherazi (p\u00ebr shembull duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb zhyteshin deri n\u00eb gryk\u00eb n\u00eb grack\u00ebn e piramidave financiare) me epilog shkat\u00ebrrimin, konstatohet edhe deri n\u00eb prag t\u00eb marsit t\u00eb hatash\u00ebm t\u00eb vitit \u201897. Nuk ka asnj\u00eb dyshim se krahas karakterit nekrofil, n\u00eb k\u00ebto shkat\u00ebrrime ka dhe shkaqe t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb harmonizoheshin me luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr pushtet absolut (sikund\u00ebr nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb rikthyer \u201cantikomunizmin\u201d si slogan) apo me p\u00ebrfitime korruptive.<\/p>\n

Por gjith\u00e7ka kuadrohet sakt\u00eb n\u00eb karakterin nekrofil t\u00eb kryeliderit q\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 sundimit absolut mbi k\u00ebdo, gjith\u00e7ka dhe pafund\u00ebsisht (tipar q\u00eb p\u00ebr Berish\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb tipik) shtyhet deri edhe tek shkat\u00ebrrimi dhe rr\u00ebnimi i gjith\u00e7kaje. Jo rast\u00ebsisht thelbi i \u00e7do aksioni berishist \u00ebsht\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimi. Edhe kur nd\u00ebrtonte nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb si Rr\u00ebshen-Kalimashi, qeverisja berishiste fshihte nj\u00eb thelb destruktiv. Rr\u00ebnimin e financave publike. Edhe n\u00eb dokumentet e FMN, ky megainvestim i akuzuar edhe p\u00ebr megakorrupsion, komentohet si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shkaqet e rritjes s\u00eb frikshme t\u00eb borxhit publik t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb ato vite duke b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb fantazma e kriz\u00ebs greke t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb kok\u00ebn n\u00eb horizontet e ekonomis\u00eb shqiptare.<\/p>\n

\u201cKarakteri nekrofil shprehet edhe n\u00eb bindjen se forca dhe dhuna jan\u00eb rrug\u00ebzgjidhja e vetme e nj\u00eb problemi apo konflikti\u201d \u2013 thot\u00eb Fromm. Ne kemi par\u00eb sa t\u00eb dhunsh\u00ebm jan\u00eb Berisha dhe berishizmi si n\u00eb pushtet ashtu edhe n\u00eb opozit\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur fare pak dhe kalimthi: n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebrdori deri edhe dhun\u00ebn e sh\u00ebrbimit sekret (SHIK) p\u00ebr t\u00eb goditur kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb opozit\u00eb u shty deri edhe te grushti i armatosur i shtetit apo hedhja n\u00eb er\u00eb e shtyllave t\u00eb tensionit t\u00eb lart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sikund\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb e qen\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr karakteret nekrofile, n\u00eb rrafshin politik Berisha dhe berishizmi nuk synojn\u00eb ta mundin por ta shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarin. Taktika mbetet ajo e p\u00ebrqendrimit t\u00eb sulmit te lideri kryesor i opozit\u00ebs. N\u00eb vitet \u201890 t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar kund\u00ebr Fatos Nanos, n\u00eb vitet \u201810 t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shekulli kund\u00ebr Edi Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb aleanc\u00eb me Fatos Nanon. Nd\u00ebrkaq, nd\u00ebr m\u00eb flagrant\u00ebt synime destruktive t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs, mbetej synimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebnuar standardet e moralit publik. Riem\u00ebrimi n\u00eb poste i ministrave t\u00eb akuzuar p\u00ebr korrupsion si Lulzim Basha apo Fatmir Mediu, trajtimi me mosp\u00ebrfillje i akuzave q\u00eb ish-ministri i ekonomis\u00eb Dritan Prifti i b\u00ebri n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrit Ilir Meta si gjoja \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb LSI-s\u00eb dhe jo t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb, apo komentimi i lidhjeve familjare t\u00eb ministres Majlinda Bregu me biznese mafioze si \u201cpun\u00eb kunet\u00ebrish pa r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi\u201d, qen\u00eb sfida ndaj ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb publike, teste p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb sesa posht\u00ebrsi n\u00eb qeverisje qe n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb duroj\u00eb l\u00ebkura e taksapaguesve shqiptar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq milionat e shkuara d\u00ebm p\u00ebr rikonstruksionin e Piramid\u00ebs si Teat\u00ebr, p\u00ebr projektet e m\u00ebparshme p\u00ebr godin\u00eb parlamenti apo rikonstruksionin e sall\u00ebs s\u00eb Parlamentit, jan\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb shi n\u00eb oqeanin e humbjeve q\u00eb destruktiviteti berishist i ka shkaktuar ekonomis\u00eb shqiptare n\u00eb dy dekada tranzicion. Qenia e nj\u00eb lideri destruktiv si Berisha n\u00eb krye t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti pa institucione t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr ta frenuar k\u00ebt\u00eb destruktivitet, \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda edhe n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb. Jo rast\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb 5 vitet m\u00eb t\u00eb para t\u00eb qeverisjes berishiste u shkat\u00ebrrua e gjith\u00eb industria dhe rrjeti i transportit hekurudhor si dhe ai i hoteleris\u00eb t\u00eb trash\u00ebguar nga sistemi komunist. Askund n\u00eb vendet fqinje me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb apo edhe n\u00eb ato t\u00eb tranzicionit m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb Lindor, prona publike e trash\u00ebguar nga sistemi i vjet\u00ebr nuk p\u00ebrjetoi nj\u00eb rr\u00ebnim kaq me rr\u00ebnj\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, nj\u00eb \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosje.<\/p>\n

Brenda pak vitesh, Shqip\u00ebria u shnd\u00ebrrua nga nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht klasifikohej si industrial, n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend pa industri t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb, thuajse pa fare industri t\u00eb leht\u00eb dhe me nj\u00eb bujq\u00ebsi n\u00eb paraliz\u00eb e degradim gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb total. Industria, disa me makineri shum\u00eb moderne, u shpall\u00ebn t\u00eb vjetruara. Natyrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb ploj\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebri vet\u00ebm karakteri nekrofil i Berish\u00ebs. N\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00ebm\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb loj\u00eb edhe ajo q\u00eb From e quan destruktivitet spontan i masave q\u00eb edhe pse jo i rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb karakter, kur gjen kushte objektive (varf\u00ebri, m\u00ebrzi e skajshme, zhvler\u00ebsim i individit) shp\u00ebrthen. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb kushtet subjektive t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthimit masiv t\u00eb destruktivitetit hyn edhe solidariteti narcist i grupit t\u00eb fanatik\u00ebve rreth lider\u00ebve nekrofil\u00eb si Berisha.<\/p>\n

Me rezonanc\u00ebn e faktor\u00ebve t\u00eb till\u00eb shpjegohet gj\u00ebma 20 vje\u00e7are q\u00eb ka ndodhur dhe vazhdon n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Ndikim negativ kan\u00eb patur edhe interesat e pushtetar\u00ebve t\u00eb lidhura me nj\u00eb privatizim korruptiv. Uzina, kombinate, fabrika liheshin t\u00eb degradoheshin sepse fitimet e pushtetar\u00ebve t\u00eb korruptuar rriteshin n\u00eb progres gjeometrik n\u00eb raport me rr\u00ebnimin e objekteve q\u00eb privatizoheshin. Ishte koha ideale p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbyer. Prona publike ishte nj\u00eb \u201ckrim\u201d dhe \u00e7akejt\u00eb e korrupsionit u turr\u00ebn ta gllab\u00ebrojn\u00eb. Ajo \u00e7\u2019ka ka mbetur sot nga industria e dikurshme i ngjason nj\u00eb skeleti dinozauri t\u00eb zhvatur eg\u00ebrsisht. K\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00ebm\u00eb e kupton m\u00eb mir\u00eb shtresa e inxhiniereve dhe teknik\u00ebve q\u00eb kishin punuar p\u00ebr krijimin e industris\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Por nuk shprehet se ka frik\u00eb. Sepse berishizmi shkat\u00ebrron njeriun, terrorizon lirin\u00eb e tij.<\/p>\n

Edhe bujq\u00ebsia nuk mbeti e paprekur nga fryma e destruktivitetit. Nj\u00eb baz\u00eb e fuqishme mekanike e bujq\u00ebsis\u00eb i tret si kripa n\u00eb uj\u00eb. Por goditjen e fundit e dha anarkia q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyti fshatin. N\u00eb rezonanc\u00eb me frym\u00ebn e lidershipit, njer\u00ebzit shkat\u00ebrruan nj\u00eb rrjet t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb kullimesh, pritash, digash dhe drenazhesh. Jo rast\u00ebsisht n\u00ebp\u00ebr media nisi t\u00eb flitej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb me alarm p\u00ebr shtimin e p\u00ebrmbytjeve dhe rishfaqjen e k\u00ebnetave, shfarosjen e frutor\u00ebve, rrafshimin e pyjeve, g\u00ebrryerjen e lumenjve.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb kryer nga Fondit Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i publikuar n\u00eb vitin 1992 ka b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb fotografim t\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb shqiptare pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentet e kolapsit t\u00eb sistemit komunist. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat statistikore t\u00eb paraqitura n\u00eb at\u00eb studim tregojn\u00eb se duke filluar nga viti 1981 e deri n\u00eb 1990, ishte sektori industrial ai q\u00eb jepte kontributin m\u00eb me pesh\u00eb n\u00eb prodhimin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm. Nd\u00ebrkaq, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat statistikore p\u00ebr 20 vjet t\u00eb tranzicionit d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se nga viti n\u00eb vit ka ardhur duke u rudhur ndjesh\u00ebm pesha e industris\u00eb dhe bujq\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Prodhimin e Brendsh\u00ebm Bruto.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim drastik strukturor t\u00eb prodhimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm lidhen probleme t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sociale q\u00eb vuan edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite vendi, sikund\u00ebr jan\u00eb varf\u00ebria dhe papun\u00ebsia masive. Dhe papun\u00ebsia n\u00eb vende si Shqip\u00ebria pa mbrojtje t\u00eb fuqishme sociale \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve, rr\u00ebnimi i jet\u00ebs s\u00eb njeriut. Po a duan t\u2019ia din\u00eb karakteret vdekjedash\u00ebse q\u00eb \u201cqeverisin\u201d, p\u00ebr jet\u00ebt e njer\u00ebzve? P\u00ebr nekrofil\u00ebt jet\u00ebt e njer\u00ebzve jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm statistika apo ca pak pik\u00eb t\u00eb rreme p\u00ebrqindjeje, n\u00eb kurb\u00ebn tashm\u00eb t\u00eb pamposhtur t\u00eb papun\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pyetja q\u00eb shtrohet sot lidhur me industrin\u00eb e trash\u00ebguar nga komunizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo: A \u00ebsht\u00eb shfarosja e saj nj\u00eb krim kolosal apo nj\u00eb dukuri e till\u00eb qe nj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri e reform\u00ebs ekonomike? V\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb pranosh se rrafshimi i nj\u00eb industrie mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb produkti i domosdosh\u00ebm i nj\u00eb reforme ekonomike. Esht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e industris\u00eb s\u00eb trash\u00ebguar ishte e vjetruar. Por zgjidhja ishte rinovimi dhe rikapitalizmi i k\u00ebsaj industrie me an\u00eb t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb shkath\u00ebta privatizuese investim-sjell\u00ebse, e jo hedhja e saj n\u00eb koshin e plehrave me an\u00eb privatizimesh m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti korruptive, sikund\u00ebr mjerisht edhe ndodhi.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb 5-vje\u00e7arin e par\u00eb t\u00eb tranzicionit, qeveria berishiste hodhi n\u00eb koshin e plehrave nj\u00eb pasuri materiale dhe jo materiale, t\u00eb akumuluar nga publiku me mund e djers\u00ebn e pes\u00eb dekadave. N\u00eb themel t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj plangprishjeje \u00ebsht\u00eb natyra destruktive e politikanit Sali Berisha, si dhe viktimizimi nga ai t\u00eb gjith\u00e7kaje, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast edhe t\u00eb industris\u00eb dhe ekonomis\u00eb, n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr pushtet. K\u00ebt\u00eb nuk e pohon vet\u00ebm autori i k\u00ebtij libri por edhe disa q\u00eb sot jan\u00eb miq t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs. Vet\u00eb, Fatos Nano, kryeministri i par\u00eb socialist i tranzicionit, ka pohuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb:<\/p>\n

\u201d\u2026ne mund t\u00eb kishim aplikuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb gradualitet n\u00eb tranzicion, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb reformat ekonomike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos shkat\u00ebrruar krahas kohezionit social, struktur\u00ebn ekonomike dhe resurset q\u00eb mund te shp\u00ebtoheshin p\u00ebr t\u00eb konkurruar n\u00eb tregjet e hapura\u201d. (Intervist\u00eb me Blendi Fevziun, Jeta Ime, fq. 133)<\/p>\n

Dhe shtjellimi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm i mendimit nga Nano nxjerr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e Berish\u00ebs si politikani q\u00eb ishte zemra dhe truri i aksionit opozitar t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm. Sipas asaj q\u00eb pohon Nano:<\/p>\n

\u201dIshte shum\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb shp\u00ebtohej shum\u00eb\u00e7ka, aspak gjith\u00e7ka, por struktura materiale q\u00eb mund t\u00eb vazhdonte t\u00eb prodhonte dhe p\u00ebr shkak se u bllokua dhe u shkat\u00ebrrua edhe me greva politikisht te arsyetuara, por pa sens p\u00ebr gjendjen ekonomike te vendit, mund t\u00eb na kishte kursyer nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme t\u00eb ndihmave dhe t\u00eb fondeve t\u00eb asistenc\u00ebs q\u00eb kemi marr\u00eb nga bota p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar ose p\u00ebr t\u00eb riv\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb nj\u00eb ekonomi ndryshe\u201d. (Po aty, fq. 133)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto kryep\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs ishte Sali Berisha q\u00eb frym\u00ebzonte destruktivitetin. Nano flet edhe p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn ndryshe t\u00eb vendeve si Bullgaria apo t\u00eb disa shteteve Baltike q\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak se \u201cevituan shum\u00eb nga efektet negative t\u00eb emocioneve politike\u201d u b\u00ebn\u00eb ekonomi shum\u00eb kompetitive duke thithur shum\u00eb investime t\u00eb huaja. Si t\u00eb ngjashme me p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn shqiptare Nano p\u00ebrmend keqardhjen q\u00eb i ka shprehure ish-kryeministrit rumun, Vakaroiu, p\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrrimin e industris\u00eb petro-kimike me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, vendi i tij, do t\u00eb qe \u201cshum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb pozita konkurruese n\u00eb tregjet europiane sesa pa t\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

E \u00e7\u2019mund t\u00eb thuash sot p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb ku u rrafshua thuajse gjith\u00eb industria e r\u00ebnd\u00eb dhe e leht\u00eb? Intervista \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur Fatos Nano ka nisur t\u2019i ndjek\u00eb ambiciet e tij politike i pozicionuar jo m\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb por n\u00eb krah t\u00eb tashm\u00eb ish-kund\u00ebrshtarit t\u00eb tij 20 vje\u00e7ar, Sali Berisha. Prandaj n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrat\u00ebn e tij gjenden pohime tep\u00ebr t\u00eb buta, madje justifikuese p\u00ebr agresivitetin e PD para marrjes s\u00eb pushtetit. Jo rast\u00ebsisht Nano e p\u00ebrkufizon k\u00ebt\u00eb agresivitet si nj\u00eb prirje t\u00eb arsyetuar politikisht. Por t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat ul\u00ebrit\u00ebse e detyrojn\u00eb gjithsesi, t\u00eb evidentoj\u00eb sado pak, rolin destruktiv t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs n\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb histori. Ndaj Nano shton:<\/p>\n

\u201dShpesh kam arsyetuar, sidomos me dhe pas takimit t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm te Triestes, p\u00ebrse nuk arriti Berisha asnj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjonte z\u00ebrin e arsyes s\u00eb tij, apo t\u00eb rrethit t\u00eb tij shoq\u00ebror, q\u00eb nuk shquhet p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb aventuriz\u00ebm, p\u00ebr t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn sa e di un\u00eb. Apo t\u00eb ne interlokutor\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe intelektual\u00eb t\u00eb sken\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb pluraliste n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb komunizmit? \u2013 p\u00ebr m\u00eb pak agresivitet, edhe p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb racionalitet n\u00eb administrimin e tranzicionit. Pik\u00ebrisht ishte ngutja p\u00ebr t\u00eb kapur pushtetin dhe, pra, formulat e gatshme t\u00eb qeverive per\u00ebndimore, t\u00eb cilat, po t\u00eb kishin m\u00eb shum\u00eb qet\u00ebsi dhe nj\u00eb mjedis p\u00ebr arsyetim midis partner\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe profesionist\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht se \u00e7far\u00eb rreshtimi i p\u00ebrket, do t\u00eb ishin b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb efikase n\u00eb kushtet tona! Prandaj nuk e kontestuam pa arsye n\u00eb ato fillime efektin tep\u00ebr negativ t\u00eb teoris\u00eb s\u00eb \u00e7ekut te bardh\u00eb apo t\u00eb reformave-blanket t\u00eb Pashkos\u201d. (Po aty, fq. 135)<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta. Por duket se Fatos Nano nuk kupton (ose nuk ia do interesi politik t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb) se agresiviteti destruktiv i Berish\u00ebs m\u00eb shum\u00eb se \u00e7\u00ebshtje arsyeje apo vet\u00ebdijeje, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje karakteri dhe pavet\u00ebdijeje. Berisha qe i paaft\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjonte z\u00ebrin e arsyes sepse ishte i sunduar nga libidoja e ndrydhur e natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij destruktive e cila, mund t\u00eb gjente shfryrje vet\u00ebm te nj\u00eb pushtet absolut. Ndaj mund t\u00eb vetplot\u00ebsohej, sikund\u00ebr edhe ndodhi, jo n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet forc\u00ebs s\u00eb arsyes por vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet \u201carsyes\u201d s\u00eb forc\u00ebs shkat\u00ebrruese t\u00eb \u00e7do gj\u00ebje q\u00eb i b\u00ebhej penges\u00eb pushtetit absolut.<\/p>\n

Arma politike e Berish\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja por instikti dhe pasione t\u00eb pakontrolluara. \u00c7el\u00ebsi i suksesit t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs q\u00ebndron n\u00eb faktin se, duke shfryt\u00ebzuar me dinak\u00ebri momentin historik, e vuri arsyen e elitave ekzistuese, p\u00ebrball\u00eb presioneve e instikteve t\u00eb turmave q\u00eb i ekspozonte si \u201cpopull\u201d dhe n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cdemokracis\u00eb\u201d. Ai arriti t\u2019i tremb\u00eb, t\u2019i struk\u00eb elitat teknokrate me presione dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime t\u00eb natyrave nga m\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshmet. N\u00eb fakt, rr\u00ebnimi dhe grabitja e industris\u00eb, u b\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb nga rrug\u00ebt e akumulimit fillestar t\u00eb kapitalit nga nj\u00eb klas\u00eb politike shum\u00eb e korruptuar. Pasojat e k\u00ebtij akumulimi kriminal po ndihen dhe do t\u00eb ndihen p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Karakteri destruktiv nxjerr kok\u00eb koh\u00eb pas kohe, n\u00eb ato q\u00eb thot\u00eb e b\u00ebn Berisha. Edhe n\u00eb shtator 2010, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb sezonit turistik, ai k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoi se do t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroheshin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb hotelet e atyre pronar\u00ebve q\u00eb derdhnin uj\u00ebrat e zeza n\u00eb det. E mbi \u00e7\u2019baz\u00eb ligjore do b\u00ebnte t\u00eb tilla shkat\u00ebrrime? Pse te shkat\u00ebrrimi i pron\u00ebs private e gjen zgjidhjen nj\u00eb shtetar apo te ligji dhe penalizmi i atyre q\u00eb c\u00ebnojn\u00eb interesin publik? Gjith\u00e7ka provon se arroganca, mentaliteti i t\u00eb fortit n\u00eb pushtet, prevalojn\u00eb n\u00eb mend\u00ebsin\u00eb e Berish\u00ebs mbi ligjin dhe shtetin ligjor. From shkruan:<\/p>\n

\u201dSa m\u00eb shum\u00eb ndiente t\u00eb l\u00ebkundej fitorja, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr shfaqej Hitleri shkat\u00ebrrues: \u00e7do hap drejt thyerjes do t\u00eb kushtonte ploja t\u00eb shumta\u201d. (Erich Fromm, Anatomia e Destruktivitetit Njer\u00ebzor, v\u00ebll 2, fq. 348)<\/p>\n

Ka ndodhur ekzakt\u00ebsisht k\u00ebshtu edhe me Berish\u00ebn. Viti i zi 1997 (dhe u b\u00eb i till\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs) \u00ebsht\u00eb prova sesi ky karakter destruktiv arriti apogjeun me shkat\u00ebrrimin e shtetit n\u00eb momentin e thyerjes s\u00eb pushtetit. Edhe pasi u rikthye n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2005, ai iu p\u00ebrvesh shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb sofistikuar t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb dhe ardhm\u00ebris\u00eb europiane t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb \u201cme ligj dhe demokraci\u201d. Dhe objekti kryesor i k\u00ebtij destruktiviteti \u00ebsht\u00eb liria e njeriut.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

TemA, 9 N\u00ebntor 2011 Fragment nga \u201cKomploti Kund\u00ebr Liris\u00eb\u201d Analiza e lidershipit dhe i p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimet e tranzicionit shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tre rrafshet kryesore t\u00eb librit t\u00eb Andrea Stefanit. Dhe Sali Berisha, si figura qendrore e k\u00ebtij tranzicioni \u00ebsht\u00eb shqyrtuar n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb tiparet e tij politike si autokrat, mashtrues, destruktiv, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nBerisha, nj\u00eb Hitler i Demokracis\u00eb Shqiptare - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/berisha-nje-hitler-i-demokracise-shqiptare\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Berisha, nj\u00eb Hitler i Demokracis\u00eb Shqiptare - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"TemA, 9 N\u00ebntor 2011 Fragment nga \u201cKomploti Kund\u00ebr Liris\u00eb\u201d Analiza e lidershipit dhe i p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimet e tranzicionit shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tre rrafshet kryesore t\u00eb librit t\u00eb Andrea Stefanit. 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