{"id":4853,"date":"2010-11-19T22:10:01","date_gmt":"2010-11-19T21:10:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=4853"},"modified":"2010-11-19T22:10:01","modified_gmt":"2010-11-19T21:10:01","slug":"shteti-i-se-drejtes-perballe-sundimit-arbitrar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/shteti-i-se-drejtes-perballe-sundimit-arbitrar\/","title":{"rendered":"Shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebrball\u00eb sundimit arbitrar!"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\nArian Galdini<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kemi th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb plot pezmati, se udha dhe aspirata shqiptare p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb nj\u00eb vend Per\u00ebndimor si e gjith\u00eb Europa, ka shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb jet\u00eb e sh\u00ebnjuar nga nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e fort\u00eb deperendimizimi kronik me burime dhe ndikime t\u00eb brendshme, por edhe me nxitje e legjitimim transnacional. Shpeshher\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kaos, nxitje dhe legjitimim t\u00eb \u00e7ak\u00ebrdis\u00eb politike t\u00eb brendshme n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e shkaktojn\u00eb vet\u00eb institucionet europiane dhe partner\u00ebt e m\u00ebdhenj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kur i aviten rastit shqiptar, p\u00ebsojn\u00eb zaptim t\u00eb gjymtyr\u00ebve institucionale, politike, strukturore, ligjore dhe ekonomike, nga ng\u00ebr\u00e7i i deperendimizimit spontan.<\/p>\n

Kriteret dhe indikator\u00ebt mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00ebt na v\u00ebzhgojn\u00eb, bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb apo partnerizojn\u00eb me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb jan\u00eb kaq jodometh\u00ebn\u00ebse dhe kaq jojet\u00ebsore n\u00eb realitetin praktik, saq\u00eb vetvetiu takojn\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb r\u00ebnien, deformimin, joefektivitetin dhe zhb\u00ebrjen e tyre sesa ngjizjen demokraci e lirind\u00ebrtuese dhe ndikimin p\u00ebr ngritjen, inkurajimin dhe forcimin e shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. Shoq\u00ebria shqiptare ka munges\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjeje dhe terreni p\u00ebr demokraci apriori, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimive t\u00eb forta t\u00eb s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs. Ky k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim plot\u00ebson nj\u00eb shpjegim logjik vet\u00ebp\u00ebrmbush\u00ebs sipas t\u00eb cilit, nj\u00eb vend si Shqip\u00ebria e ka udh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, me pengesa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, udh\u00ebn drejt demokracis\u00eb, ngase \u2018kultura e gabuar\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebkryq n\u00eb \u00e7do qeliz\u00eb funksionale t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe \u2018kultura e drejt\u00eb\u2019 i ka shanset e vogla p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngritur kok\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Juan Linz dhe Alfred Stepan, studiues t\u00eb mir\u00ebnjohur t\u00eb teorive t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe tranzicionit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb postulative, kan\u00eb ritheksuar fjal\u00ebt e mir\u00ebnjohura t\u00eb Barrington Moore Jr.: \u201cNo state, no democracy \u2013 Pa shtet nuk ka demokraci\u201d.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, n\u00eb dallim me vendet e tjera postkomuniste p\u00ebr rastin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb realitetin e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb dob\u00ebt\u2019 nuk b\u00ebjm\u00eb asnj\u00eb gabim ta pranojm\u00eb n\u00eb paqe si nj\u00eb kualifikim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. \u2018Dob\u00ebsia e shtetit\u2019, si nj\u00eb tipar i politik\u00ebs shqiptare, ka dy p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb ndryshme. S\u00eb pari, dob\u00ebsia n\u00ebnkupton shtr\u00ebngesa dhe pamund\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb kapacitetet e shtetit. E th\u00ebn\u00eb me fjal\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb qarta, monopoli i shtetit p\u00ebr ushtrim t\u00eb autoritetit, instrumenteve dhe mekanizmave t\u00eb tij t\u00eb ligjshme \u00ebsht\u00eb i gjymtuar, sabotuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb \u2018aktor\u00eb joshtet\u00ebror\u00eb\u2019 (disa prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve deklarojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb vet\u00eb \u2018shteti\u2019). S\u00eb dyti, por jo m\u00eb me pak r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, shteti i dob\u00ebt nuk mundet t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb dhe siguroj\u00eb parimet e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019 apo \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019, tek e fundit nuk mundet as t\u2019i inkurajoj\u00eb apo p\u00ebrforcoj\u00eb k\u00ebto parime, edhe pse shum\u00eb politikan\u00eb shpallin slogane t\u00eb tipit: \u2018do t\u00eb vendosim diktatur\u00ebn e ligjit\u2019, \u2018mbrojm\u00eb ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe kushtetutshm\u00ebrin\u00eb\u2019 etj., etj.<\/p>\n

Ndaj edhe p\u00ebrdorimi i etiketimeve t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrshkruar k\u00ebto fenomene t\u00eb v\u00ebrejtura n\u00eb vendet ish-komuniste dhe posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb, sikund\u00ebr: \u2018oligarki\u2019, \u2018feudaliz\u00ebm\u2019, \u2018bajraktariz\u00ebm\u2019, \u2018gangsteriz\u00ebm\u2019 apo \u2018bosiz\u00ebm\u2019 etj., \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00ebnvij\u00ebzimi i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb k\u00ebto ve\u00e7ori t\u00eb para si realitet jet\u00ebsor n\u00eb k\u00ebto vende. N\u00ebse do ta shohim \u2018shtetin e dob\u00ebt\u2019 si zanafill\u00ebn e analizave t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme t\u00eb regjimit postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, at\u00ebher\u00eb ekzistenca\/apo joekzistenca e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019, mund t\u00eb riformulohet n\u00eb kuptimin e demokracis\u00eb dhe\/apo alternativat e saj. Po t\u2019i referohemi perspektiv\u00ebs neo-institucionaliste (North, 1990), \u2018shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimi i ligjit\u2019, mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet si mbizot\u00ebrimi i institucioneve formale, p.sh., rregulla, norma, parime universale q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si shtr\u00ebngesa\/kufizime madhore ndaj aktor\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb dhe strategjive t\u00eb tyre brenda politik\u00ebs n\u00eb fjal\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb, mosekzistenca e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019 n\u00ebnkupton mbizot\u00ebrimin e institucioneve informale, t\u00eb cilat bazohen fort\u00ebsisht n\u00eb rregullat dhe normat e tyre partikulare si klientelizmi dhe\/apo korrupsioni. K\u00ebsisoj, kund\u00ebrtia e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018shteti arbitrar\u2019 apo \u2018sundimi arbitrar\u2019, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se institucionet ose sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb thjesht si \u2018fasad\u00eb\u2019, ose nuk kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb vler\u00eb reale. Deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb pike kjo dikotomi e mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb institucioneve formale dhe informale \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlidhur me tipat ideal\u00eb t\u00eb legjitimitetit Weberian: dominimi i institucioneve formale \u00ebsht\u00eb i shoq\u00ebruar me legjitimitetin racional-ligjor, nd\u00ebrsa mbizot\u00ebrimi i institucioneve informale \u00ebsht\u00eb tipar i sundimit karizmatik dhe\/apo tradicional. Por n\u00ebse i kthejm\u00eb syt\u00eb nga realiteti shqiptar, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes institucioneve formale dhe informale n\u00eb k\u00ebto 20 vite tranzicion, apo ramizoshence nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb kund\u00ebrti, p\u00ebrkundrazi, ato kan\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar\/plot\u00ebsuar nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb mbushur \u2018boshll\u00ebqet e sistemit\u2019.<\/p>\n

Praktikisht k\u00ebto dimensione institucionale t\u00eb regjimit politik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb postkomuniste duket t\u00eb jen\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00ebsoj vazhdim\u00ebsie, plot\u00ebsimi dhe zgjatimi t\u00eb nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs e kurrsesi dy pole t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta. N\u00ebse \u2018shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimi i ligjit\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb i dob\u00ebt (apo nuk do t\u00eb ekzistonte fare, si p.sh. rasti i r\u00ebnies totale t\u00eb shtetit kur ra regjimi i vjet\u00ebr komunist n\u00eb vitet 1990-1992, rasti tragjik i vitit 1997 dhe rasti fam\u00ebkeq i r\u00ebnies disaor\u00ebshe t\u00eb shtetit m\u00eb 14 shtator 1998), ai menj\u00ebher\u00eb mbushet e plot\u00ebsohet apo z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet nga \u2018sundimi arbitrar\u2019. N\u00ebse gjykatat e kan\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur t\u00eb zbatojn\u00eb vendimet e tyre p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e adresuara ligj\u00ebrisht n\u00eb to, at\u00ebher\u00eb konfliktet vetvetiu zgjidhen n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet \u2018sip\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb dhunshme t\u00eb vet\u00ebgjyq\u00ebsis\u00eb\u2019. N\u00ebse qeveria nuk jep llogari para Parlamentit, at\u00ebher\u00eb procesi i vendimmarrjes nuk varet nga p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e popullit, por nga rrath\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb pran\u00eb \u2018familjes\u2019 apo \u2018oborrit\u2019 t\u00eb liderit, qoft\u00eb ky i majt\u00eb apo i djatht\u00eb, n\u00eb qeveri apo n\u00eb opozit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse partit\u00eb politike jan\u00eb t\u00eb paafta p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhur elitat me masat, at\u00ebher\u00eb funksionet vendimmarr\u00ebse dhe politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebse do t\u00eb kryhen nga \u2018makineria politike\u2019 e bazuar n\u00eb klienteliz\u00ebm. Shqip\u00ebria postkomuniste \u00ebsht\u00eb e tejmbushur me shembuj ilustrues t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha element\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm. Qart\u00ebsisht k\u00ebtu po ndodh gradualisht rivendosja e kapaciteteve t\u00eb shtetit pa i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fare jet\u00eb e krah\u00eb \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019, gj\u00eb kjo q\u00eb nuk sjell aspak mbizot\u00ebrimin e institucioneve formale n\u00eb vend. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, dallimi mes tipave t\u00eb institucioneve (formale dhe informale) b\u00ebn t\u00eb rrjedh\u00eb shum\u00eb uj\u00eb midis \u201ctranzicionit p\u00ebr n\u00eb demokraci\u201d (ku \u2018shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimi i ligjit\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb vetvetishme) dhe tranzicionit postkomunist shqiptar drejt nj\u00eb regjimi ende t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuar, ndon\u00ebse politikan\u00ebt dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt k\u00ebmb\u00ebngult\u00ebsisht vazhdojn\u00eb ta konsiderojn\u00eb \u2018demokraci\u2019.<\/p>\n

Ndaj edhe p\u00ebrkufizimi i regjimit politik p\u00ebr rastin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb mund t\u00eb meritoj\u00eb t\u00eb rikonsiderohet. Demokracia e aspiruar prej t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve mund t\u00eb kualifikohet si nj\u00eb regjim konkurrues me mbizot\u00ebrim t\u00eb institucioneve formale, porse regjimi i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb postkomuniste bashk\u00eb me \u2018tregun e tij administrativ\u2019 mund t\u00eb konsiderohet si nj\u00eb regjim i gjymt\u00eb-konkurrues, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin kalb\u00ebzimi i institucioneve formale udh\u00ebzon drejt z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimit apo plot\u00ebsimit t\u00eb tyre me institucione informale. Teorit\u00eb e demokratizimit me ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb rrall\u00eb, prej nj\u00eb kohe t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e kan\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptuar ekzistenc\u00ebn dhe domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019, ose si vetveti, ose si trash\u00ebgimi nga regjimet e m\u00ebparshme, ose si t\u00eb instaluar nga ndikimet e jashtme gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb tranzicionit, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb integrimit europian, internacionalizimit apo globalizimit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb rastin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb postkomuniste eksperienca \u00ebsht\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb respekt t\u00eb t\u00eb gjithave sa m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, sepse: 1) trash\u00ebgimia komuniste ka zhvilluar nj\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrim t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb institucioneve informale, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin e vendimmarrjes dhe politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes, qoft\u00eb edhe n\u00eb nivelin e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb qytetari t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm; 2) ndikimi i nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve sidomos i institucioneve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr lindjen dhe p\u00ebrforcimin e \u2018shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs\u2019, \u2018sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u2019 dhe n\u00eb performanc\u00ebn e institucioneve formale ka qen\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb kontroversal, dygjuh\u00ebshpreh\u00ebs, me shum\u00eb pak flagranc\u00eb per\u00ebndimore. N\u00eb rastin e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, edhe pse regjimi politik n\u00eb dukje, norm\u00eb dhe procedur\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb konkurrues, n\u00eb terma elektoral\u00eb prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb roli i institucioneve formale \u00ebsht\u00eb larg mund\u00ebsive p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebruar. K\u00ebtu konkurrenca politike \u00ebsht\u00eb e \u2018mbijetuar\u2019, pavar\u00ebsisht munges\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

As m\u00eb shum\u00eb e as m\u00eb pak, por grupet n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb postkomuniste ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb mban\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrojn\u00eb mjaftueshm\u00ebrisht burime, mund\u00ebsi dhe instrumente p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar ndryshimin e pushtetit me mjete elektorale, ndaj edhe, m\u00eb s\u00eb pari eliminojn\u00eb incentivat p\u00ebr vet\u00ebp\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebri si pjes\u00eb e korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve formale. Testi i thjesht\u00eb i \u2018zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira dhe t\u00eb ndershme\u2019 mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe irrelevant n\u00eb momentin kur hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb arsyetimin dhe kuptimin real t\u00eb \u2018makineris\u00eb politike\u2019 dhe \u2018partive t\u00eb pushtetit\u2019. N\u00ebn k\u00ebto rrethana, rezultatet e zgjedhjeve mbeten n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb mund\u00ebsive q\u00eb kan\u00eb grupet n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u2018mobilizim administrativ t\u00eb masave\u2019, ashtu edhe mund\u00ebsive e aft\u00ebsive p\u00ebr manipulim t\u00eb zgjedhjeve, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos folur k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr aksesin sistematikisht t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb garuar.<\/p>\n

Por n\u00ebse zgjedhjet nuk sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb as si nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm i ndryshimit t\u00eb pushtetit dhe qarkullimit t\u00eb elitave, as nuk ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb politikat qeveris\u00ebse, at\u00ebher\u00eb roli dhe kuptimi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt i ndrysh\u00ebm nga modeli per\u00ebndimor dhe europian. V\u00ebm\u00eb re se grupet e pushtetit n\u00eb regjimin postkomunist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ia dalin tashm\u00eb mban\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb formatojn\u00eb edhe \u2018koalicione me fitore minimale\u2019, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt garantojn\u00eb burime dhe instrumente t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur fitoren, mbajtur pushtetin, e madje ndalojn\u00eb me sukses ndryshimin e pushtetit n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet zgjedhjeve. Koalicioni qeveris\u00ebs PD-PR-LSI i dal\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 28 qershorit 2009, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb demonstrim i qart\u00eb i k\u00ebtij mekanizmi pushtetmbajt\u00ebs dhe pushtetp\u00ebrdorues par-exellence.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb themi se m\u00ebnyra sesi u zgjodh Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs n\u00eb korrik 2007, sesi u miratua Kodi Elektoral 2009, e sesi u zhvilluan zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb qershorit 2009, koalicioni qeveris\u00ebs PD-PR-LSI etj., mund t\u00eb konsiderohen si shenjat m\u00eb t\u00eb forta e m\u00eb t\u00eb vona t\u00eb dob\u00ebsimit dhe sabotimit t\u00eb themeleve strukturore t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs politike. Prandaj edhe mund t\u00eb themi se rezultatet e procesit t\u00eb tranzicionit q\u00eb kan\u00eb stabilizuar nj\u00eb regjim politik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri me nj\u00ebfar\u00ebsoj konkurrence politike (ndon\u00ebse e kufizuar) n\u00ebn mbizot\u00ebrimin e institucioneve informale, mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohen edhe si nj\u00eb faz\u00eb e nd\u00ebrmjetme e vet\u00eb procesit t\u00eb tranzicionit.<\/p>\n

Lindja e mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb institucioneve formale n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb postkomuniste (e si rrjedhoj\u00eb demokratizimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm) ndoshta mund t\u00eb arrihet n\u00eb tri m\u00ebnyra q\u00eb mbivendosen me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn: 1) pranim hap pas hapi i institucioneve formale si nj\u00eb produkt i zhvillimit t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs politike (edhe duke marr\u00eb parasysh gjendjen e sotme); 2) rip\u00ebrcaktimi i nj\u00eb projekti komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb mbar\u00ebpranuar nga t\u00eb gjitha forcat politike dhe grupet sociale, ekonomike e kulturore p\u00ebr domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e instalimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs si shteti i ri i shqiptar\u00ebve; 3) dob\u00ebsimin e mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb projektimit t\u00eb lindjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi t\u00eb gjymt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb paqart\u00eb politik n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet \u2018rregullave t\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fortit\u2019, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit t\u00eb konflikteve dhe krizave politike n\u00eb vend dhe p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb t\u00eb huajve e pjes\u00ebmarrjes s\u00eb masave. Megjithat\u00eb, konsekuencat e k\u00ebtyre tre skenar\u00ebve jan\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do rast t\u00eb paqarta.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 e kemi shprehur edhe m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, debati dhe diskutimet elektorale marrin vler\u00eb p\u00ebr instalimin e mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb institucioneve formale vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse konkurrueshm\u00ebria nuk cenohet apo shuhet p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb balanc\u00ebs s\u00eb burimeve dhe nevojave midis aktor\u00ebve dhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb themeleve strukturale t\u00eb konflikteve nd\u00ebr\/brendaelitare. Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb ende larg plot\u00ebsimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre kushteve, ndaj edhe ka shum\u00eb pak shanse q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrimi i institucioneve formale t\u00eb konsiderohet si e \u2018vetmja loj\u00eb n\u00eb qytet\u2019. (Linz dhe Stepan, 1996). Madje n\u00eb gjykimin ton\u00eb, diskutimet dhe debati elektoral n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb deri m\u00eb sot pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb strategjie konkurruese e elitave n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb nj\u00eb ekuilibri, por q\u00eb nuk \u00e7ojn\u00eb aspak drejt shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, sepse n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ndodhte ndryshe, at\u00ebher\u00eb institucionet formale do ta dob\u00ebsonin dhe jo siguronin status quo-n\u00eb. Institucionet formale po sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si fasad\u00eb e institucioneve informale.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, sa m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera e sa m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb b\u00ebhen kapacitetet e shtetit n\u00ebn frym\u00ebn e nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb till\u00eb, nuk garantohet dot aspak mbrojtja e qytetarit apo bizneseve nga \u2018sundimi arbitrar\u2019, p\u00ebrkundrazi, rritet niveli dhe forca k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese. Tek e fundit, monopoli i pushtetit nuk t\u00eb \u00e7on dot drejt institucioneve formale, sepse asnj\u00eb \u2018aktor\u2019 nuk i ka incentivat p\u00ebr t\u00eb kufizuar kapacitetet e veta p\u00ebr \u2018sundim arbitrar\u2019. Ndoshta, p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi i konfliktit e kriz\u00ebs dhe dob\u00ebsimi nga brenda i regjimit mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb reale dhe e mir\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr alternativ\u00ebs s\u00eb deritashme t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb status quo-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Niveli i dhun\u00ebs politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb i ul\u00ebt n\u00ebse shihet n\u00ebn sfondin e shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb transformimeve politike dhe sociale. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb spekulative mund t\u00eb themi se n\u00ebse politikan\u00ebt postkomunist\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb do t\u00eb rrisnin nivelin e konfliktit mes tyre deri n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e prekshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre fizike dhe pasiguris\u00eb p\u00ebr pasurin\u00eb apo edhe p\u00ebr vet\u00eb jet\u00ebn, at\u00ebher\u00eb kostot e konkurrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb brenda korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve informale do t\u00eb ishin shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb larta sesa kostot p\u00ebr pranimin e rregullave, parimeve dhe institucioneve formale. Por pranimi i rregullave, parimeve dhe institucioneve formale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebr zgjedhjet e preferuara t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve postkomunist\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rreziku i loj\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb na rikthyer n\u00eb terrenin e politik\u00ebs jokonkurruese n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet instalimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi t\u00eb gjymt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb paqart\u00eb, mund\u00ebsisht jodemokratik, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb zgjedhja m\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse p\u00ebr \u2018elitat politike\u2019 postkomuniste shqiptare. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat n\u00eb terren jan\u00eb dyshimnxit\u00ebse se krizat ciklike t\u00eb regjimit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb postkomuniste nuk \u00e7ojn\u00eb drejt demokracis\u00eb, porse n\u00eb t\u00eb tjera rezultate dhe destinacione t\u00eb tranzicionit. Gjithsesi e trisht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta se aspirata jon\u00eb europiane dhe per\u00ebndimore po kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr shtegun e kahersh\u00ebm dhe mir\u00ebnjohur tashm\u00eb t\u00eb deperendimizimit kulturor dhe sjellor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Arian Galdini Kemi th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb plot pezmati, se udha dhe aspirata shqiptare p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb nj\u00eb vend Per\u00ebndimor si e gjith\u00eb Europa, ka shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb jet\u00eb e sh\u00ebnjuar nga nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e fort\u00eb deperendimizimi kronik me burime dhe ndikime t\u00eb brendshme, por edhe me nxitje e legjitimim transnacional. Shpeshher\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kaos, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nShteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebrball\u00eb sundimit arbitrar! - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/shteti-i-se-drejtes-perballe-sundimit-arbitrar\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebrball\u00eb sundimit arbitrar! - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Arian Galdini Kemi th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb plot pezmati, se udha dhe aspirata shqiptare p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb nj\u00eb vend Per\u00ebndimor si e gjith\u00eb Europa, ka shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb jet\u00eb e sh\u00ebnjuar nga nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e fort\u00eb deperendimizimi kronik me burime dhe ndikime t\u00eb brendshme, por edhe me nxitje e legjitimim transnacional. 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