{"id":4841,"date":"2010-11-17T20:49:53","date_gmt":"2010-11-17T19:49:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=4841"},"modified":"2010-11-17T20:49:53","modified_gmt":"2010-11-17T19:49:53","slug":"nga-diktatura-ne-postdemokraci","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/nga-diktatura-ne-postdemokraci\/","title":{"rendered":"Nga diktatura n\u00eb postdemokraci"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\nNga: FATOS LUBONJA<\/strong>, 17 Nentor 2010<\/em><\/p>\n

Para disa dit\u00ebsh m\u00eb tele fonoi nj\u00eb person, i cili m’u prezantua si kryetari i partis\u00eb s\u00eb pensionist\u00ebve. M\u00eb tha se kishte nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb. Lash\u00eb t\u00eb pi nj\u00eb kafe me t\u00eb. Kur u takuam, p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb m\u00eb thoshte shqet\u00ebsimin, m\u00eb shpalosi programin e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij q\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb. Pensionist\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrk\u00ebmbur me shifr\u00ebn qesharake t\u00eb pensioneve q\u00eb marrin; partia jon\u00eb do t’u premtoj\u00eb atyre nj\u00eb pension prej 60 000 lek\u00ebsh; pensionist\u00ebt jan\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr shum\u00eb i madh votuesish; ata do t\u00eb votojn\u00eb partin\u00eb ton\u00eb; ne, k\u00ebsisoj, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb vim\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet e do t\u00eb ndryshojm\u00eb gjendjen e pensionist\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Pastaj kaloi tek shqet\u00ebsimi. N\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7apjet e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje kishte zbuluar se Kodi Zgjedhor ia b\u00ebnte shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij hyrjen n\u00eb zgjedhje. E aty m\u00eb tregoi nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, nga i cili rezultonte se, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb ankimimit t\u00eb partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, kjo gjykat\u00eb kishte nxjerr\u00eb si antikushtetues dy nene t\u00eb Kodit Zgjedhor. Nga sa kuptova duke i hedhur nj\u00eb sy dokumentit q\u00eb m\u00eb tregoi…<\/p>\n

vendimi e konsideronte Kodin Zgjedhor n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me nj\u00eb nga parimet themelore kushtetuese: at\u00eb t\u00eb barazis\u00eb p\u00ebrpara ligjit. Rezultonte se, sipas Kodit ton\u00eb Zgjedhor, nj\u00eb parti e vog\u00ebl, q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb regjistrohet, ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr 10 000 firma, t\u00eb cilat duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb noterizuara dhe, duke marr\u00eb parasysh se nj\u00eb noterizim kushton minimumi 1500 lek\u00eb, vet\u00ebm mbledhja e firmave do t’i kushtonte nj\u00eb partie, as m\u00eb shum\u00eb as m\u00eb pak se 1 500 000 lek\u00eb, nj\u00eb shif\u00ebr jo e vog\u00ebl kjo p\u00ebr buxhetin e nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb sapokrijuar, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr pensionist\u00ebsh. Dhe m\u00eb interesantja ishte se kjo shif\u00ebr, \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht, nuk u k\u00ebrkohej partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Dhe k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndronte shkelja e parimit kushtetues t\u00eb barazis\u00eb p\u00ebrpara ligjit q\u00eb kishte gjetur Kushtetuesja, p\u00ebr vendimin e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs nuk kisha dijeni se ekzistonte, pasi mediat e kan\u00eb injoruar thuajse krejt\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

E solla k\u00ebt\u00eb histori p\u00ebr t\u00eb trajtuar nj\u00eb problem q\u00eb ky rast e ilustron m\u00eb s\u00eb miri, q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim themelor p\u00ebr fatet e demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn q\u00eb po jetojm\u00eb dhe q\u00eb, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim q\u00eb e gjen vet\u00ebm tek ne, por edhe n\u00eb vendet e ashtuquajtura demokratike. Madje, le ta filloj prej andej. Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim vihet re nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb e institucioneve demokratike, aq sa kjo i ka \u00e7uar politolog\u00eb t\u00eb njohur si Colin Crouch ta quajn\u00eb faz\u00ebn q\u00eb po kalojn\u00eb sot si “postdemokraci”. \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb postdemokracia sipas tij? Ajo karakterizohet nga rritja e madhe e ndikimit t\u00eb elitave ekonomike n\u00eb vendimet politike, aq sa jan\u00eb ato q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb prioritetet e jet\u00ebs publike.<\/p>\n

Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, m\u00eb an\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, pak\u00ebsim i mund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt e thjesht\u00eb t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto vendime jo vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet vot\u00ebs, por edhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet organizimeve t\u00eb pavarura. Postdemokracia e ruan form\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb si\u00e7 jan\u00eb p.sh. ritualet e zgjedhjeve, si dhe debatet politike n\u00eb Parlament apo n\u00eb media, por nuk ruan thelbin e saj: sipas t\u00eb cilit \u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebri dhe interesat e pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm, q\u00eb ka ndikimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e shtetit. Ky \u00e7ekuilib\u00ebr, sipas Crouch, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb politika t\u00eb b\u00ebhet instrument i elitave ekonomike ku t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt nuk hyjn\u00eb dot, si\u00e7 ka ndodhur n\u00eb periudha parademokratike.<\/p>\n

Z\u00ebri i atyre q\u00eb thon\u00eb se n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, demokracia ka ardhur duke u mrrudhur, duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rritje. Sipas gjykimit tim, dy jan\u00eb arsyet kryesore. S\u00eb pari, pasi partit\u00eb e majta e l\u00ebvizjet sindikaliste q\u00eb impononin politika sociale kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb forta dje ndoshta, paradoksalisht, edhe sepse socializmi real i Lindjes q\u00ebndronte si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasurit n\u00eb vendet per\u00ebndimore. S\u00eb dyti, pasi mbarimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb u shoq\u00ebrua me globalizmin q\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb ka zbehur rolin e shtetit-komb dhe bashk\u00eb me t\u00eb, edhe t\u00eb politikave sociale t\u00eb tij, n\u00eb favor t\u00eb pushtetit gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb pakontrolluar t\u00eb shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebsheve q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb pa ekzistenc\u00ebn e nj\u00eb shteti global.<\/p>\n

Problemi q\u00eb kemi ne, si shqiptar\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst \u00ebsht\u00eb se ne kemi kaluar nga diktatura n\u00eb postdemokraci, pa kaluar faz\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore: d.m.th. na ka munguar nj\u00eb shtet-komb me parti t\u00eb majta dhe l\u00ebvizje sindikaliste q\u00eb t\u00eb impononin politika sociale, si dhe u gjend\u00ebm pa asnj\u00eb lloj aft\u00ebsie kompetitive n\u00eb tregun global, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se me krah pune emigrant\u00ebsh dhe ekonomi kriminale q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht n\u00ebn m\u00ebshir\u00ebn e elitave shpesh mafioze brenda vendit dhe t\u00eb investimeve t\u00eb huaja nga jasht\u00eb, jo pa lidhje me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Kjo, sipas gjykimit tim, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri t\u00eb d\u00ebshtoj\u00eb qysh n\u00eb lindje ai q\u00eb Crouch e quan thelbi i demokracis\u00eb si nj\u00eb form\u00eb shteti ku prioritetet i p\u00ebrcakton shumica.<\/p>\n

Kategori t\u00eb tilla si pensionist\u00ebt apo n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi shtresat e varfra, nuk kan\u00eb pasur kurr\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb interesat e tyre, pasi prioritetet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend jan\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar s\u00eb brendshmi nga elita q\u00eb i kan\u00eb diktuar politik\u00ebs interesat e tyre t\u00eb pasurimit, dhe s\u00eb jashtmi nga t\u00eb huajt q\u00eb, po p\u00ebr interesa pasurimi e shfryt\u00ebzimi, kan\u00eb inkurajuar politika n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me ato t\u00eb mas\u00ebs s\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb vendase. Sa p\u00ebr ilustrim, le t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb (nd\u00ebr shembujt pa fund q\u00eb mund t\u00eb sillen krahas atij t\u00eb pensionist\u00ebve) se para pak koh\u00ebsh u aprovua nj\u00eb projektligj, i cili lejon sjelljen e ndotjeve t\u00eb huaja n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri me q\u00ebllim riciklimi. Shum\u00ebkush ngriti pyetjen e thjesht\u00eb: Pse kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr plehrat e huaja? A nuk do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb normale t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohej nj\u00eb impiant q\u00eb do t\u00eb digjte, pas nj\u00eb procesi ndarjeje, vet\u00ebm plehrat e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb?<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigja \u00ebsht\u00eb se ky kushton 50 milion\u00eb euro, prandaj jemi t\u00eb shtr\u00ebnguar t\u00eb na e nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb t\u00eb huajt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, si kusht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb djegien e plehrave t\u00eb tyre. Po si ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kemi kaq d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimisht nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb djeg\u00ebs plehrash, nuk mund t\u00eb investojm\u00eb 50 milion\u00eb euro, kur kemi investuar 1 miliard euro n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn Durr\u00ebs-Kuk\u00ebs. Po ashtu, si ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb Kryeministri vendos t\u00eb prish\u00eb Piramid\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb atje nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb Parlamentit, e cila, sipas kalkulimeve t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrta, mund t\u00eb kushtoj\u00eb afro 50 milion\u00eb euro. Shkaku \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb: sepse prioritetet n\u00eb vend i vendosin interesa t\u00eb tjera nga ato t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

* * *<\/p>\n

A mund t\u00eb dilet nga kjo situat\u00eb dhe si mund t\u00eb dilet? Sot p\u00ebr sot, i vetmi mekaniz\u00ebm q\u00eb na jepet p\u00ebr ndryshim jan\u00eb zgjedhjet. Por pas nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebsh pluraliz\u00ebm politik vihet re se ndaj zgjedhjeve, shumica e njer\u00ebzve jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb skeptik\u00eb. Pse k\u00ebshtu? Sepse zgjedhje do t\u00eb thot\u00eb mund\u00ebsi votimi p\u00ebr parti q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb interesa t\u00eb tjera nga ato t\u00eb elitave ekonomike brenda dhe t\u00eb shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebsheve jasht\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb interesat e t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve t\u00eb ekuilibrohen nj\u00ebfar\u00ebsoj. K\u00ebto parti, ashtu si edhe n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ishin parti t\u00eb majta t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebr ideologji dhe histori kan\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr shtresave t\u00eb varfra.<\/p>\n

Por, sikurse e thash\u00eb m\u00eb lart, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb dob\u00ebsimit t\u00eb shtetit-komb nga globalizimi, i cili, ve\u00e7 tjerash, ka dob\u00ebsuar edhe sindikalizmin, si dhe p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb humbjes s\u00eb projektit t\u00eb ndryshimit apo t\u00eb humanizimit t\u00eb sistemit kapitalist, edhe partit\u00eb e majta n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim jan\u00eb kthyer gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb parti q\u00eb i jan\u00eb adoptuar k\u00ebtij sistemi, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb t\u00eb pasurve (ndon\u00ebse jo n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me ato t\u00eb djathtat), e pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq, rasti yn\u00eb si vend q\u00eb doli nga diktaturat lindore \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrues. Partit\u00eb e majta n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb vendet ish-komuniste kan\u00eb mbetur parti t\u00eb t\u00eb privilegjuarve t\u00eb komunizmit, q\u00eb jan\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pasurit pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb komunizmit. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ky fenomen qe edhe m\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm: t\u00eb dyja partit\u00eb kryesore kan\u00eb funksionuar si dy gjysma t\u00eb Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs q\u00eb u fut\u00ebn n\u00eb gar\u00eb dhe vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gar\u00eb se cila do ta shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb politik\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasuruar klientel\u00ebn e saj. Madje, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja, kur flasin p\u00ebr sistemin politik, i referohen m\u00eb shum\u00eb atij amerikan sesa atij evropian, pasi n\u00eb at\u00eb sistem shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa n\u00eb at\u00eb europian mungojn\u00eb partit\u00eb e mir\u00ebfillta t\u00eb majta q\u00eb gjithsesi, ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb kriz\u00eb, vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb. Q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, jan\u00eb nj\u00eblloj n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb \u00e7do projekti investimi q\u00eb vjen nga jasht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte kur k\u00ebto parti jan\u00eb rritur e forcuar n\u00eb pushtet pik\u00ebrisht n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet k\u00ebtyre instrumenteve dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebto q\u00ebllime, a nuk rrezikon PD-ja apo PS-ja t\u00eb kthehet si partia e pensionist\u00ebve n\u00ebse shk\u00ebputet nga p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i interesave t\u00eb elit\u00ebs ekonomike t\u00eb vendit, q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ka kapur kryesin\u00eb e tyre? A nuk rrezikojn\u00eb ato t\u00eb dalin jasht\u00eb mediave q\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri jan\u00eb n\u00eb duart e elit\u00ebs n\u00eb fjal\u00eb? Sigurisht q\u00eb po, por pa harruar nj\u00eb paradoks, megjithat\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb cilit del se n\u00eb postdemokraci, shumica voton p\u00ebr interesat e pakic\u00ebs, pasi shumica e votuesve nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb pasurit.<\/p>\n

Paradoksi shpjegohet thjesht me faktin e provuar tashm\u00eb nga p\u00ebrvoja, sipas t\u00eb cilit opozita p\u00ebrdor retorikat e interesave t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u marr\u00eb vot\u00ebn dhe, pasi vjen pushtet, punon p\u00ebr elitat q\u00eb i kan\u00eb sponsorizuar fushat\u00ebn elektorale. K\u00ebshtu ka b\u00ebr\u00eb PS-ja kur erdhi n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 1997-n, k\u00ebshtu ka b\u00ebr\u00eb PD-ja kur erdhi n\u00eb 2005-n. N\u00eb fakt, partit\u00eb tona n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb kujtojn\u00eb personazhin e Brehtit Mackie Messer “Pun\u00eb p\u00ebr tre grosh”, i cili shfryt\u00ebzon nj\u00eb grup lyp\u00ebsish p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar me sukses vjedhjet e tij. Gjith\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, edhe retorikat per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut e shum\u00eb\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr, ting\u00ebllojn\u00eb n\u00eb postdemokraci m\u00eb shum\u00eb si fasada prapa t\u00eb cilave diktojn\u00eb interesat e t\u00eb pasurve.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, pra, parti t\u00eb reja nuk mund t\u00eb dalin sepse s’kan\u00eb shans jo vet\u00ebm pasi partit\u00eb e t\u00eb pasurve kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb Kode Zgjedhore si ai i yni, q\u00eb e nxor\u00ebn jasht\u00eb partin\u00eb e pensionist\u00ebve, por edhe pse fushatat elektorale jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb shtrenjta e gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb televizive, \u00e7ka n\u00ebnkupton se jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb duart e t\u00eb pasurve dhe mediave t\u00eb kontrolluara prej tyre. (Nuk po flas p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb civile si forc\u00eb kund\u00ebrvepruese apo ndikuese n\u00eb vend, sepse ajo nuk ka mundur t\u00eb ngrihet m\u00eb lart se grupime t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl individ\u00ebsh n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs parti.) At\u00ebher\u00eb, e p\u00ebrs\u00ebris pyetjen, si do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kalonim nga postdemokracia n\u00eb demokraci?<\/p>\n

Shtrimi i vet\u00eb pyetjes n\u00ebnkupton se ka nj\u00eb rrug\u00ebzgjidhje, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn duhet ta gjejm\u00eb p\u00ebrderisa jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb q\u00eb shumic\u00ebs nuk i p\u00eblqen. Por mund t\u00eb thuash edhe se nuk ka rrug\u00ebzgjidhje, duke pranuar se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb statusi normal i gj\u00ebrave n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku ka pasur gjithnj\u00eb t\u00eb pasur dhe t\u00eb varf\u00ebr. Gjykoj se p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, e cila vuan nga nj\u00eb provincializ\u00ebm i thell\u00eb, (dhe ka probleme m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb ato t\u00eb korrupsionit, t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, etj.) kjo e dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb bota po sheh rrezikun n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb postdemokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri vihet re nj\u00eb vones\u00eb p\u00ebrsa i p\u00ebrket nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj problematike, madje postdemokracia per\u00ebndimore shitet nga elita pseudo-intelektuale n\u00eb vend si idealja ose si arritje e nj\u00eb statusi, t\u00eb cilit tashm\u00eb duhet t’i adoptohemi.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, gjykoj se vendimtare n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb ndryshimet nga jasht\u00eb. Kur flas p\u00ebr k\u00ebto, kam parasysh se p\u00ebr ato shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb kan\u00eb ushqyer idealet e demokracis\u00eb, t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe barazis\u00eb, kthimi nga postdemokracia n\u00eb demokraci \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e shtruar p\u00ebr zgjidhje n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ri, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i globalizimit nga i cili s’del dot as Shqip\u00ebria. K\u00ebto ndryshime do t\u00eb vinin n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb institucioneve globale, q\u00eb do t\u00eb siguronin kontrollin e abuzimit me pushtetin t\u00eb elitave ekonomike, lokale dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb shumicave t\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrk\u00ebmbura prej tyre; q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebnin t\u00eb mundur, pra, q\u00eb prioritetet politike t\u00eb vendosen n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs. Dhe besoj se k\u00ebto ndryshime do t\u00eb vijn\u00eb, ndoshta edhe pas krizash m\u00eb t\u00eb thella se kjo q\u00eb po kap\u00ebrcen sot sistemi kapitalist bot\u00ebror, ndoshta edhe pas rrudhjesh, t\u00ebrheqjesh apo disfatash t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga: FATOS LUBONJA, 17 Nentor 2010 Para disa dit\u00ebsh m\u00eb tele fonoi nj\u00eb person, i cili m’u prezantua si kryetari i partis\u00eb s\u00eb pensionist\u00ebve. M\u00eb tha se kishte nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb. Lash\u00eb t\u00eb pi nj\u00eb kafe me t\u00eb. Kur u takuam, p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb m\u00eb thoshte shqet\u00ebsimin, m\u00eb shpalosi programin […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nNga diktatura n\u00eb postdemokraci - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/nga-diktatura-ne-postdemokraci\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Nga diktatura n\u00eb postdemokraci - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga: FATOS LUBONJA, 17 Nentor 2010 Para disa dit\u00ebsh m\u00eb tele fonoi nj\u00eb person, i cili m’u prezantua si kryetari i partis\u00eb s\u00eb pensionist\u00ebve. 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