![\"\"](\"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/images\/fjala\/rexhep_meidani.jpg\" "\\"Rexhep")
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— nga REXHEP MEIDANI<\/strong>, 02 Shtator 2010<\/em><\/p>\n N\u00ebnvler\u00ebsimi apo n\u00ebn\u00e7mimi i gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb vogla n\u00eb veprimtari, plane, skema e shqyrtime konkrete mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb situata shqet\u00ebsuese, deri n\u00eb gabime e d\u00ebme serioze t\u00eb m\u00ebvonshme. K\u00ebt\u00eb ide mish\u00ebron shprehja “djalli \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb detaje”. N\u00eb kushtet e sotme, relativisht kritike, duket sikur kjo shprehje e ilustron jo keq konceptin e derisot\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit social apo sistemin e mir\u00ebqenies sociale, n\u00eb realizimin praktik t\u00eb s\u00eb cilit shteti merr p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi kryesore p\u00ebr mir\u00ebqenien e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetit, edukimit, pun\u00ebsimit… rendit e siguris\u00eb sociale. Ndryshe, ai quhet dhe etatiz\u00ebm social.<\/p>\n Etatizmi social<\/strong> Krahas aspektit t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb, aspekt tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i shtetit social jan\u00eb edhe sh\u00ebrbimet publike si: edukimi, kujdesi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor e strehimi. Niveli i tyre ndryshon nga vendi n\u00eb vend. P.sh., Britania e Madhe adoptoi m\u00eb 1948 nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb gjithansh\u00ebm sigurimesh shoq\u00ebrore. N\u00eb SHBA, duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb parimet e shtetit social, u miratuan programe social-legjislative t\u00eb tilla si: “New Deal” (nj\u00eb paket\u00eb reformash n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn e Ruzveltit, t\u00eb miratuar nga Kongresi n\u00eb mandatin e par\u00eb t\u00eb tij si President) apo “Fair Deal” (nj\u00eb program 21 pikash p\u00ebr zhvillimin ekonomik dhe rritjen e mir\u00ebqenies sociale i propozuar, m\u00eb 1945 nga Presidenti Truman; ai mori pamjen e nj\u00eb pakete legjislative, m\u00eb 1948). N\u00eb vendet skandinave ndihma e shtetit p\u00ebr individin p\u00ebrfshin pothuajse t\u00eb gjitha fazat e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tij; kurse, n\u00eb vendet me ekonomi t\u00eb planifikuar dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar, shteti gjoja social arrin deri aty sa t\u00eb mbuloj\u00eb “administrimin” e \u00e7mimeve t\u00eb konsumit!… Dy “nevoja” t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/strong> Moralisht, shansi p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me forc\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat i b\u00ebn ato gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, madje me m\u00eb pak mund\u00ebsi justifikimi. N\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje ekonomike, k\u00ebrkesat e sforcuara t\u00eb nj\u00eb grupi krijojn\u00eb bezdi ndaj grupeve t\u00eb tjera, duke prodhuar k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje t\u00eb pandashme midis viktimave t\u00eb momentit dhe parazit\u00ebve t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb tyre”. Natyrisht, nj\u00eb konceptim i till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i ashp\u00ebr dhe aspak njer\u00ebzor. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kur k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb justifikohet “shp\u00ebrblimi” i sakrifikimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb grupi prej nj\u00eb tjetri, i kontributit t\u00eb nj\u00eb moshe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, t\u00eb zhvendosjes s\u00eb “zinxhir\u00ebve” ekonomik\u00eb t\u00eb sot\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb djesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ato t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n Ve\u00e7se nuk duhet harruar se ekzistojn\u00eb “dy lloje nevojash t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces: nevoja e grupit q\u00eb b\u00ebn hapur k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e tij dhe ajo q\u00eb sh\u00ebrben si mbules\u00eb p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka, nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb e fsheht\u00eb, e pap\u00ebrmendur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite. Me t\u00eb lidhet edhe nevoja e politikan\u00ebve (“fuqi-k\u00ebrkuesve”) q\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar ambiciet e tyre, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur apo marr\u00eb pushtetin, lobojn\u00eb p\u00ebr grupin q\u00eb do t\u00eb favorizohet. Altruizmi ushqen nevoj\u00ebn e par\u00eb, etatizmi ushqen t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn. Pragmatizmi verbon cilindo – p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb viktimat dhe p\u00ebrfituesit – jo thjesht p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn fatale t\u00eb procesit, por p\u00ebr faktin e vazhdimit t\u00eb tij”… A dhe si mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballohen ato p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtrirje t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kohe? Dhe nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, Europa, q\u00eb po synon t\u00eb ec\u00eb n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, vazhdon t\u00eb paguaj\u00eb sot \u00e7mimin ende t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb etatizmit apo “socializmit” t\u00eb tepruar t\u00eb saj. Teprime t\u00eb tilla po vuajn\u00eb aktualisht, p.sh., Greqia, Portugalia e Hungaria, ku borxhet publike n\u00eb rritje po k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb vet\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e euros. Mesa duket bota po fillon ta shoh\u00eb n\u00eb sy t\u00eb keqen e sistemit etatist t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale, madje edhe vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb luajn\u00eb m\u00eb rolin e tyre t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm n\u00eb plot\u00ebsimin e t\u00eb gjitha nevojave sociale t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb tyre. Prej koh\u00ebsh t\u00eb reformuarit e sistemit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar politikisht i pamundur, por faktet fiskale kan\u00eb detyruar Qeverin\u00eb franceze dhe Presidentin Sarkozi (Nicolas Sarkozy), q\u00eb t\u00eb propozojn\u00eb rritjen e mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb pensionit, q\u00eb ndeshet me reagime t\u00eb ashpra sindikaliste. Po ashtu, Qeveria po shet pronat e veta, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe sip\u00ebrfaqe toke. Edhe n\u00eb sistemin sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor po rritet gradualisht bashk\u00ebpagesa apo forma t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb p\u00ebrballimit t\u00eb shpenzimeve. Sidoqoft\u00eb, shteti i mir\u00ebqenies sociale, kudo n\u00eb bot\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht tipit konkret, po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb situat\u00eb kritike, shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs globale. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme dy rrug\u00eb: a) axhustimi (duke e ruajtur shtetin social), apo b) heqja dor\u00eb prej tij n\u00eb kuptimin fondamental t\u00eb vetin. Shum\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr k\u00ebtij varianti t\u00eb dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm ajo! “Shteti i mir\u00ebqenies” n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende, si n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, po d\u00ebshton n\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tij. Natyrisht, ai ka pasur meritat e tij, duke arritur q\u00ebllime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, por ama sot ai mbetet tep\u00ebr i kushtuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr mjaft nga k\u00ebto vende. Dhe jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr to!…<\/p>\n Presionet fiskale<\/strong> Aq m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb b\u00ebhet zgjidhja kur p\u00ebrqindja e t\u00eb papun\u00ebve b\u00ebhet shqet\u00ebsuese, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb ende rasti shqiptar. Prandaj, nj\u00eb synim i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7do qeveri, t\u00eb majt\u00eb apo t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb mbajtja e nj\u00eb niveli sa m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt papun\u00ebsie. P\u00ebrndryshe kostot rezultojn\u00eb dyfishe: t\u00eb papun\u00ebt thithin burime t\u00eb konsiderueshme nga sistemi social dhe nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ata nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00eb t\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetjen e mosh\u00ebs n\u00eb pension, q\u00eb jeton tashm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe vet\u00eb thelbi i kriz\u00ebs fiskale, apo “gj\u00ebegj\u00ebza” e shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale. Ashtu si n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe “ng\u00ebr\u00e7i” shqiptar!…<\/p>\n Kriza fiskale kap\u00ebrcehet<\/strong> Kjo mund t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb e pap\u00ebrballueshme nga ana fiskale. Aq m\u00eb keq, p\u00ebr kosto m\u00eb t\u00eb larta! Krahas k\u00ebtij fakti, ekzistojn\u00eb edhe hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb tjera problematike, bile edhe kur p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebset e mir\u00ebqenies sociale (si sigurimi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor, pensioni, asistenca sociale) jan\u00eb t\u00eb arritshme nga ana fiskale. T\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb ato q\u00eb lidhen me kohezionin apo kapitalin social dhe efektet afatgjata t\u00eb tij. Ato, t\u00eb l\u00ebna krejt jasht\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes gjat\u00eb tranzicionit shqiptar, po b\u00ebhen dita-dit\u00ebs gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese…<\/p>\n Sistemi social i mir\u00ebqenies nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhje, por problem!<\/strong> Por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, reforma t\u00eb tilla kan\u00eb pak shanse q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme, sepse \u00e7do prekje e themelit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij lloj shteti asistence (t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale) \u00ebsht\u00eb politikisht e papranueshme n\u00eb mjaft vende. Imagjinoni p.sh., sherrin q\u00eb do t\u00eb “plaste” menj\u00ebher\u00eb kudo n\u00eb Europ\u00eb! Megjithat\u00eb, ky lloj shteti duhet t\u00eb reformohet. Bile, p\u00ebr partizan\u00ebt e “zhdukjes” s\u00eb tij, pretendohet se standardi i jet\u00ebs dhe cil\u00ebsia e saj jan\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar aq shum\u00eb n\u00eb dekadat e fundit, sa q\u00eb nuk ekziston m\u00eb nj\u00eb varf\u00ebri “k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebse” p\u00ebr ta ruajtur k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem social (p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb d\u00ebrmuese e taksave t\u00eb mbledhura p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushqyer shtetin e mir\u00ebqenies sociale riciklohet e kthehet tek njer\u00ebzit prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb!). Kjo vlen t\u00eb konsiderohet edhe n\u00eb terma t\u00eb solidaritetit, q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrftohet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet asistenc\u00ebs… Kjo shpjegon variacionin n\u00eb familje, grupe e komunitete, aq sa homogjeniteti i qart\u00eb i shoq\u00ebrive komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs po z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi nga heterogjeniteti. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kan\u00eb ndikuar faktor\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb si: emigracioni, nd\u00ebrfaqja apo tejkalimi i feve tradicionale, pluraliteti i institucioneve nga familja deri pun\u00ebsimi, etj. Madje, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb shtetit e kufizimeve t\u00eb qeverisjes komb\u00ebtare, duke prekur vet\u00eb nocionin e sovranitetit. Par\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb sy, b\u00ebhet i domosdosh\u00ebm riorganizimi i sh\u00ebrbimit sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor, arsimor e mjedisor, menaxhimi i skemave t\u00eb pensioneve n\u00eb binomin publik-privat, thjesht\u00ebsimi i kostove jofunksionale t\u00eb asistenc\u00ebs sociale apo, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, ristrukturimi i qeverisjes, bile n\u00eb mjaft raste del e domosdoshme shtrirja e saj tej komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb fush\u00ebn sociale.<\/p>\n Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00eb thelb, mjaft v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi t\u00eb sotme flasin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale. Pavar\u00ebsisht “zbukurimeve demagogjike”, kriza e k\u00ebtij sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe rezultat i nj\u00eb numri faktor\u00ebsh, midis t\u00eb cil\u00ebve nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb par\u00eb ka edhe humbja e besimit ndaj institucioneve politike komb\u00ebtare. Nuk mund t\u00eb lihet m\u00ebnjan\u00eb korrupsioni n\u00eb rritje, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe abuzimet e shpenzimet e pajustifikueshme n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimet sociale. Ndoshta, nj\u00eb rrug\u00ebdalje mbetet transmetimi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm i sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb nivel vendor, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb shpaloset, n\u00eb teori e praktik\u00eb, devolucioni e decentralizimi, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe agjentifikimi e privatizimi, nga ana tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb vet\u00eb lokalizimi e globalizimi po e “dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb” dhe e asfiksojn\u00eb shtetin, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet “t\u00eb menduarit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb globale, dhe t\u00eb vepruarit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb lokale”, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb trysnie n\u00eb rritje mbi shtetin komb\u00ebtar. Por, ky thelb: mendimi global e veprimi lokal \u00ebsht\u00eb larg t\u00eb kuptuarit n\u00eb terrenin shqiptar, ku gjith\u00e7ka tranziton nga nj\u00eb podium politik n\u00eb tjetrin, duke e zhyer gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb thell\u00eb mjedisin shqiptar me “loj\u00ebn e kungullesh\u00ebs”, t\u00eb vaditur me uj\u00eb blu ose roz\u00eb!…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" — nga REXHEP MEIDANI, 02 Shtator 2010 N\u00ebnvler\u00ebsimi apo n\u00ebn\u00e7mimi i gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb vogla n\u00eb veprimtari, plane, skema e shqyrtime konkrete mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb situata shqet\u00ebsuese, deri n\u00eb gabime e d\u00ebme serioze t\u00eb m\u00ebvonshme. K\u00ebt\u00eb ide mish\u00ebron shprehja “djalli \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb detaje”. N\u00eb kushtet e sotme, relativisht kritike, duket sikur kjo shprehje e ilustron […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-3918","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\n
\nEtatizmi social n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb qeverisje, ku shteti luan nj\u00eb rol kryesor n\u00eb promovimin e mir\u00ebqenies ekonomike e sociale t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, n\u00eb mbrojtjen e tyre. Nd\u00ebr parimet baz\u00eb t\u00eb tij, n\u00eb variante t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb organizimit ekonomik dhe social, jan\u00eb: barazia e mund\u00ebsive, shp\u00ebrndarja sa m\u00eb e drejt\u00eb e pasuris\u00eb, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi publike p\u00ebr individ\u00ebt me mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb kufizuara. Nj\u00eb tipar baz\u00eb i shtetit social jan\u00eb sigurimet (shoq\u00ebrore, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore) p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar mb\u00ebshtetjen e nevojshme n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira (p.sh., n\u00eb mosh\u00eb t\u00eb thyer, p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje kirurgjikale, n\u00eb trajtimin e s\u00ebmundjeve kronike, n\u00eb kushte papun\u00ebsie,etj.).<\/p>\n
\n“Kund\u00ebrshti” t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb etatizmit social<\/strong>
\nNj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje baz\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb barazia e shanseve t\u00eb individit p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar statusin e tij ekonomik. K\u00ebt\u00eb detyr\u00eb n\u00eb shtetin social e ka qeverisja s\u00eb bashku me agjencit\u00eb e ndryshme t\u00eb saj, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb “barazia e shanseve” shfaq si an\u00ebn nxit\u00ebse (progresiste), ashtu dhe at\u00eb penguese (etatiste). Madje, ajo, si nj\u00eb krijes\u00eb politike, tenton ta thyej\u00eb “realitetin” konkret, ve\u00e7se thyerje t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohen edhe me padrejt\u00ebsi. Sepse n\u00eb thelbin e vet, rezultati logjik i nj\u00eb zbatimi etatist t\u00eb parimit t\u00eb “shanseve t\u00eb barabarta” \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eblloj padrejt\u00ebsie dhe diskriminimi – si ndaj atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00eb dhe t\u00eb talentuar, ashtu edhe ndaj atyre, q\u00eb shfaqin mund\u00ebsi shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pakta fizike e mendore.
\nEdhe shp\u00ebrndarja e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb e pasuris\u00eb (t\u00eb ardhurave) lidhet me nj\u00eb agjenci t\u00eb fuqishme, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Qeveria. \u00cbsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb ka forc\u00ebn ekzekutive dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrkujdesjes ndaj m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt\u00ebve dhe invalid\u00ebve, n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve produktiv\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, “skllav\u00ebrimit” t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit. Pra, Qeveria i rr\u00ebmben (i “vjedh”) di\u00e7ka qytetarit produktiv p\u00ebr t’ia kaluar “nevojtarit”, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar e sh\u00ebrbyer n\u00eb mir\u00ebqenien e individit t\u00eb papun\u00eb, t\u00eb paaft\u00eb, t\u00eb s\u00ebmur\u00eb apo invalid.
\nPo ashtu, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia publike ndaj atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb paaft\u00eb t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb minimumin e kushteve p\u00ebr jet\u00eb normale \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb vete nj\u00ebfar\u00eb “mish\u00ebrim skllav\u00ebrimi” prej nj\u00ebrit-tjetrit. Pra, duke qen\u00eb n\u00eb komunitet, qytetar\u00ebt e kan\u00eb detyrim e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb lidhen midis tyre, t\u00eb interesohen dhe shqet\u00ebsohen p\u00ebr nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Por, cili e p\u00ebrcakton k\u00ebt\u00eb “p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi publike”? Si zhvillohet e aplikohet ky mish\u00ebrim i nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie, ky “sakrifikim”, m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ligjor se moral, m\u00eb pak vullnetar se i detyruar, nj\u00eb “dhurim” nga puna e jeta e nj\u00eb grupi, nga djersa dhe mendja e pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, m\u00eb t\u00eb moshuarve, t\u00eb dob\u00ebt\u00ebve, t\u00eb paaft\u00ebve apo invalid\u00ebve?<\/p>\n
\nN\u00eb fakt, p\u00ebrtej konceptit t\u00eb shtetit social, vet\u00eb morali i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb altruiz\u00ebm, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim e p\u00ebrkujdesje vetjake mbi mir\u00ebqenien e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb kuptimi, nj\u00eb akt quhet moral kur mish\u00ebron nj\u00eb sakrific\u00eb ton\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb veprim mund t\u00eb klasifikohet deri imoral kur i sh\u00ebrben vet\u00ebm interesit t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb vetjak n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Nisur nga thelbi i gabuar i konceptit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale, nj\u00eb filozofe amerikane, Ayn Rand, midis t\u00eb tjerash, sqaron: “N\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje morale e ekonomike, shteti social p\u00ebrshpejton mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjeje p\u00ebr nga posht\u00eb.<\/p>\n
\nAktualisht duket sikur Amerika, si shoq\u00ebria e par\u00eb e lir\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb, me garantim t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave njer\u00ebzore fondamentale (t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb jet\u00ebs, liris\u00eb, fes\u00eb, pron\u00ebs, liris\u00eb s\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb barabarta ndaj ligjit dhe procesit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsor, etj.) po synon t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb etatizmit social. Madje, gjat\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs Obama, n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr kohe jan\u00eb miratuar nj\u00eb mori politikash e programesh tipike t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale. Midis tyre vlejn\u00eb t\u00eb radhiten p.sh.: plani “bailout”, i bazuar n\u00eb parimin “tep\u00ebr i madh p\u00ebr t\u00eb falimentuar”, paketat stimuluese n\u00eb ruajtje t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, n\u00eb “sh\u00ebrim” t\u00eb kompanive t\u00eb s\u00ebmura, apo programi i funksionimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi universal t\u00eb p\u00ebrkujdesjes sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore…
\nProblemi i vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr paketa t\u00eb tilla mbetet pagesa e tyre.<\/p>\n
\nA mund t\u00eb konsiderohet m\u00eb si i suksessh\u00ebm modeli europian i shtetit social? Disa shembuj.
\nLe t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb me Franc\u00ebn. Ajo, midis vendeve europiane, \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar si vendi me sistemin m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale. Por nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Franca po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb borxh komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb afro 1.49 trilion\u00eb euro (afro 77% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb t\u00eb saj). K\u00ebtu nuk llogariten detyrimet e pritshme t\u00eb sistemit shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb pensioneve, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb shifr\u00ebn e 200% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n
\nN\u00eb rastin e Gjermanis\u00eb, borxhi publik n\u00eb vitin 2009 arriti n\u00eb 77.2% i GDP-s\u00eb apo afro 1.7 trilion\u00eb euro. E th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, n\u00eb supet e nj\u00eb gjermani q\u00eb punon, r\u00ebndon nj\u00eb borxh prej afro 43,000 euro. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla, Qeveria gjermane e Merkelit (Angela Merkel) shpalli planin e saj t\u00eb uljes s\u00eb shpenzimeve qeveritare me afro 80 miliard\u00eb euro, apo afro 3% e GDP-s\u00eb p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme. K\u00ebshtu, nd\u00ebr masat e tjera ishte ngritja e mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb pensionit nga 65 n\u00eb 67, futja e nj\u00eb tarife pagese p\u00ebr shkollimin n\u00eb universitetet gjermane, etj.
\nN\u00eb Britanin\u00eb e Madhe borxhi komb\u00ebtar ka arritur n\u00eb 90,000 paund ($133,000) p\u00ebr familje. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla, Qeveria e Kryeministrit Kamerun (David Cameron) ka deklaruar nj\u00eb shkurtim buxheti prej 6 miliard\u00eb paund. Nd\u00ebr masat e tjera t\u00eb saj jan\u00eb rritja e mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb pensionit n\u00eb sistemin e saj t\u00eb sigurimeve shoq\u00ebrore, heqja e pages\u00ebs p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e sapolindur, etj.
\nN\u00eb Itali, Qeveria italiane u detyrua t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhynte p\u00ebr uljen e borxhit komb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb e ka kaluar tashm\u00eb GDP. Kryeministri Berluskoni (Silvio Berlusconi) ka propozuar nj\u00eb shkurtim buxheti prej mbi 30 miliard\u00eb euro p\u00ebr dy vitet pasuese, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb shkurtim prej 1 miliard euro n\u00eb sistemin sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor komb\u00ebtar, apo nj\u00eb “represion” n\u00eb pagesat abuzive t\u00eb invaliditetit. Nd\u00ebr propozimet e Berluskonit \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb “ngrirje” rrogash e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb punonj\u00ebsve publik\u00eb.
\nSpanja po p\u00ebrballet me kriz\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb n\u00eb dekadat e fundit. Qeveria e saj me Kryeminist\u00ebr Zapateron (Jose Luis Rodiguez-Zapatero) i ka zvog\u00ebluar shpenzimet qeveritare. Jan\u00eb hequr shtesat ndaj prind\u00ebrve p\u00ebr lindjen e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, jan\u00eb shkurtuar pagesat e invaliditetit, apo \u00ebsht\u00eb propozuar rritja e mosh\u00ebs s\u00eb pensionit p\u00ebr burrat nga 65 n\u00eb 67 vje\u00e7.
\nPra, me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta shembuj, a mund t\u00eb konsiderohet m\u00eb si i suksessh\u00ebm modeli europian i shtetit social?!…
\nPamje t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale<\/strong>
\nNdeshen pamje t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale. Ecuria e tyre lidhet ngusht\u00eb me transferimin e t\u00eb ardhurave, me programet publike n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e sh\u00ebndetit, edukimit e trajnimit (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe at\u00eb t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb pun\u00ebs) apo sh\u00ebrbimet sociale (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb asistenc\u00ebn, strehimin, etj.) Prej tyre mund t\u00eb ve\u00e7ohen 3 modele: ai liberal, i mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb taksa; ai korporatist, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin p\u00ebrfshihet kontributi i t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarit dhe i pun\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsit, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb mbulese universale; dhe s\u00eb fundi, ai social-demokrat, q\u00eb ka nj\u00eb mbules\u00eb universale dhe mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb cil\u00ebsore.<\/p>\n
\nMir\u00ebqenien sociale, krahas korrupsionit, n\u00eb situata krize (kriz\u00eb fiskale, kriz\u00eb globale financiare) e “asfiksojn\u00eb” mjaft faktor\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb: rritja e mosh\u00ebs mesatare t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, niveli i lart\u00eb i papun\u00ebsis\u00eb, daljet m\u00eb t\u00eb shpejta n\u00eb pension, etj. P.sh., zvog\u00eblimi n\u00eb vite i forcave t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr pun\u00eb e b\u00ebn gjithnj\u00eb m\u00eb problematike mb\u00ebshtetjen e skemave t\u00eb pensionit. N\u00eb fakt, ngaq\u00eb popullsia n\u00eb mosh\u00eb pune duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb pension apo gjenerat\u00ebn jo n\u00eb mosh\u00eb pune, ajo duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb ekonomikisht sa m\u00eb aktive dhe e arsyeshme n\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat e saj p\u00ebr pag\u00ebn dhe rritjen e saj.<\/p>\n
\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb specialist\u00eb, shteti i mir\u00ebqenies sociale \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kolaps, nga vet\u00eb pesha e “r\u00ebnd\u00eb” e tij. Prandaj, duhen reduktuar kostot e k\u00ebtij sistemi pa prekur kapacitetet asistenciale t\u00eb tij. K\u00ebtij q\u00ebllimi i sh\u00ebrben edhe diferencimi i kostove t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebseve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies, sipas moshave. Duhet, p.sh., me mosh\u00ebn e re, t\u00eb lidhet b\u00ebrthama e shpenzimeve t\u00eb edukimit, m\u00eb shum\u00eb shpenzime t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetit t\u00eb orientohen tek lindjet apo vitet e para pas lindjes, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb mosh\u00ebn e tret\u00eb, etj. Po ashtu, vlen t\u00eb dimensionohet ajo pjes\u00eb e t\u00eb ardhurave q\u00eb u transferohet skemave t\u00eb pensioneve, madje pa nj\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb skemave private, skemat publike do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pamjaftueshme, deri me rreziqe t\u00eb brendshme “piramidale”…
\nPra, kudo n\u00eb bot\u00eb, nisur nga struktura e popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb k\u00ebtij shekulli, ritmet e rritjes s\u00eb fondeve p\u00ebr kostot e ndryshme t\u00eb asistenc\u00ebs apo mir\u00ebqenies sociale po b\u00ebhen t\u00eb pap\u00ebrballueshme. K\u00ebshtu, p.sh., fondet sociale n\u00eb Britani p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin 25% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1981, nd\u00ebrsa pas ndryshimeve reduktuese, n\u00eb vitin 1989, u arrit deri n\u00eb 22% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, sipas llogaritjeve, mendohet se nevojitet nj\u00eb rritje prej 5% p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur sistemin britanik t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb 40-50 vje\u00e7are (q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb zhvendosje t\u00eb kostos totale p\u00ebr nga vlera 30% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb).<\/p>\n
\nPor pavar\u00ebsisht shqet\u00ebsimeve t\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrme globale apo shqiptare, nuk mund t\u00eb mohohet se sistemi i mir\u00ebqenies sociale \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrafsh konceptor. Ai po rezulton zhg\u00ebnjyes, duke vazhduar t\u00eb ushqej\u00eb gabimisht njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb tepruara (si t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb fituara apo detyrime t\u00eb shtetit ndaj tyre). Edhe sikur t\u00eb zgjidhet problemi i kriz\u00ebs fiskale, element\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb si sigurimi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor, pensionimi, asistenca etj., n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies sociale, kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr reforma t\u00ebr\u00ebsore dhe t\u00eb thella.<\/p>\n
\nGlobalizimi dhe nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri e ndryshme pas disa dekadash<\/strong>
\nNuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm kriza fiskale kryesore. Si\u00e7 u konstatua vitet e fundit, \u00e7do kriz\u00eb merr tipare shum\u00eb m\u00eb fondamentale n\u00eb kushte globale. Ata lidhen me natyr\u00ebn e “shtetit”, pra dhe me shtetin e mir\u00ebqenies sociale. Dhe, me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, institucionet gradualisht jan\u00eb ndryshuar, partit\u00eb politike po b\u00ebhen m\u00eb pak masive, duke u dh\u00ebn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb grupeve civile jopartiake apo t\u00eb orientuara p\u00ebr nga konsumatori. Bile, krejt ndryshe nga “pompa” partiake shqiptare! Po ashtu, nj\u00eb problem bashk\u00ebshoq\u00ebrues i globalizimit \u00ebsht\u00eb homogjenizimi, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebria njer\u00ebzore “parap\u00eblqen” pluralizmin, shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebrin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
\nEdhe natyra e shtetit nuk ka qen\u00eb imune prej ndryshimit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb cil\u00ebsit\u00eb e kapacitetet e tij, eficienc\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebnie; bile synimi i garantimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie m\u00eb njer\u00ebzore ka fuqizuar shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb civile, ku shteti luan nj\u00eb rol shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb reduktuar. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, globalizimi si proces e ka reduktuar ndikimin e shtetit. Shkurt: ai nuk mund t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb si m\u00eb par\u00eb! Kjo edhe p\u00ebr faktin q\u00eb politikat nacionale kusht\u00ebzohen nga qeverisja globale, institucionet e saj. Rrjedhjet e kapitaleve, mallrave, njer\u00ebzve e ideve, telekomunikimi, informimi e media, nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb si m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n