{"id":3393,"date":"2012-06-25T13:54:27","date_gmt":"2012-06-25T12:54:27","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=3393"},"modified":"2012-06-25T13:54:27","modified_gmt":"2012-06-25T12:54:27","slug":"marku-ndryshimet-ne-qeveri-kunder-logjikes-politike-eshte-koha-per-nje-akt-rithemelimi-te-pd","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/marku-ndryshimet-ne-qeveri-kunder-logjikes-politike-eshte-koha-per-nje-akt-rithemelimi-te-pd\/","title":{"rendered":"Marku: Ndryshimet n\u00eb Qeveri kund\u00ebr logjik\u00ebs politike, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr nj\u00eb akt rithemelimi t\u00eb PD"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Deputeti i PD, Mark Marku<\/strong>, 25.06.2012<\/em><\/p>\n

Deputeti i PD flet p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb, koalicionin dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn.<\/em>
\n \u201cNoka u shp\u00ebrblye p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkushtimin ndaj PD e Berish\u00ebs. Haxhinasto e Panariti, sipas parimit askush n\u00eb vendin e vet\u201d<\/em>
\n Marku: Berisha e Meta, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs q\u00eb propozuan ish-bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb Sigurimit p\u00ebr President.<\/em>
\n Mark Marku i konsideron pa logjik\u00eb politike ndryshimet e fundit n\u00eb qeveri nga LSI dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin e Nishanit me Nok\u00ebn nga Berisha. N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr \u201cPanorama\u201d, Marku shfaqet kritik ndaj filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb qeverisjes prej dy lider\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb koalicionit, ku askush nuk em\u00ebrohet n\u00eb vendin e vet.<\/em>
\n Deputeti i PD analizon marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e PD me koalicionin, thot\u00eb se e djathta po humb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin brenda PD dhe hedh iden\u00eb e nj\u00eb akti rithemelimi t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj partie.<\/em><\/p>\n

Z.Marku, me gjith\u00eb z\u00ebrat brenda maxhoranc\u00ebs q\u00eb kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar rifreskim t\u00eb kabinetit qeveritar para zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 2013-s, Kryeministri Berisha iu p\u00ebrgjigj me z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin vet\u00ebm t\u00eb z.Nishani me z.Noka n\u00eb Ministrin\u00eb e Brendshme. Po ashtu pati nj\u00eb rokad\u00eb emrash n\u00eb ministrit\u00eb q\u00eb i takojn\u00eb LSI. Si i konsideroni k\u00ebto zhvillime pas zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit?<\/strong>
\nFlamur Ndoka \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb funksionar i p\u00ebrkushtuar partiak dhe nuk m\u00eb duket \u00e7udi pse ai \u00ebsht\u00eb shp\u00ebrblyer p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkushtimin ndaj PD-s\u00eb dhe kryetarit t\u00eb saj, zotit Berisha. Problemi nuk q\u00ebndron tek emrat, por te logjika apo filozofia e ndryshimeve. Ndryshimet q\u00eb b\u00ebhen n\u00eb vitin e fundit t\u00eb qeverisjes, b\u00ebhen p\u00ebr dy arsye. E para, p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se nj\u00eb maxhoranc\u00eb nuk e ka humbur forc\u00ebn e reagimit, se e ka ende aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar vetveten dhe se e ka vullnetin p\u00ebr t\u2019u vet\u00ebkorrigjuar. E dyta, p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar profilin politik t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes. Ndryshimi i fundit nuk i p\u00ebrgjigjet nj\u00eb logjike t\u00eb till\u00eb. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe p\u00ebr ndryshimet e b\u00ebra nga LSI. Jan\u00eb ndryshime emrash, jo rikonceptim i qeverisjes.<\/p>\n

Madje ato rikonfirmojn\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb nj\u00eb parim t\u00eb lider\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb ofiqeve: askush n\u00eb vendin e vet. Haxhinasto, i cili ka nj\u00eb formim n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e shkencave humane, shkon minist\u00ebr i Ekonomis\u00eb, Panariti, i cili ka nj\u00eb formim ekonomik, shkon n\u00eb Ministrin\u00eb e Jashtme e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ndeshur edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb, kur ka ndodhur q\u00eb aktori t\u00eb b\u00ebhet minist\u00ebr i Mbrojtjes, e jo i Kultur\u00ebs, inxhinieri, minist\u00ebr i Kultur\u00ebs e jo minist\u00ebr i Ekonomis\u00eb, ushtaraku, minist\u00ebr i Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb\u2026 Edhe pse posti i ministrit \u00ebsht\u00eb funksion politik, do t\u00eb ishte mir\u00eb q\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur dimensioni politik dhe teknik t\u00eb kombinohen. Shoh pak logjik\u00eb politike n\u00eb k\u00ebto em\u00ebrime, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb se ato shkojn\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr logjik\u00ebs politike. Mendoja se Kryeministri Berisha, tashm\u00eb i pakusht\u00ebzuar nga numrat n\u00eb Parlament, mund t\u00eb b\u00ebnte ndryshime m\u00eb konceptuale.
\n\u00a0Maxhoranca sapo zgjodhi vet\u00ebm me votat e saj Presidentin e Republik\u00ebs, nj\u00eb minist\u00ebr t\u00eb kabinetit, z.Bujar Nishani. Tani q\u00eb procesi ka p\u00ebrfunduar, si e gjykoni rezultatin e saj dhe a mendoni se ky rezultat e favorizon t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn nj\u00eb vit para zgjedhjeve t\u00eb 2013-s, kur PD do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb tret\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur vendin?<\/strong>
\nSi\u00e7 u pa edhe gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit, aktor\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs shqiptare kishin ardhur drejt k\u00ebtij momenti politik me objektiva t\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebrt. PS dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj synonin ta b\u00ebnin t\u00eb pamundur zgjedhjen e Presidentit, duke e \u00e7uar vendin n\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb politike q\u00eb do t\u00eb sillte p\u00ebr\u00e7arjen dhe r\u00ebnien e maxhoranc\u00ebs. Q\u00ebllimi kryesor i PD-s\u00eb ishte zgjedhja e Presidentit dhe d\u00ebshtimi i k\u00ebtij skenari, nd\u00ebrsa LSI kishte si q\u00ebllim faktorizimin e vet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rolit q\u00eb do t\u00eb luante n\u00eb d\u00ebshtimin apo suksesin e nj\u00ebrit apo tjetrit variant. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se finaliteti i loj\u00ebs politike presidenciale nuk ishte Presidenti n\u00eb vetvete, por zgjedhja apo moszgjedhja e tij. Berisha u d\u00ebshmua edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb lojtar m\u00eb virtuoz se t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, duke p\u00ebrfituar dyfish nga ky proces: zgjodhi Presidentin dhe konfirmoi koalicionin. Meta jo m\u00eb pak.
\nPor, edhe pse procesi ishte t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht kushtetues dhe solli n\u00eb krye t\u00eb institucionit t\u00eb Presidenc\u00ebs nj\u00eb figur\u00eb t\u00eb nderuar si zoti Nishani, mendoj se secila pal\u00eb ka humbur nga pak. Zoti Rama ka humbur rastin p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se p\u00ebrve\u00e7 refuzimit (t\u00eb natyrsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7do opozit\u00eb), di t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb edhe gj\u00ebra t\u00eb tjera, si p.sh. t\u00eb jap\u00eb zgjidhje alternative p\u00ebr vendin. Zoti Meta v\u00ebrtet u faktorizua politikisht, por, edhe pse refuzoi kandidaturat me profil t\u00eb fort\u00eb politik dhe e orientoi procesin e zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit drejt profileve t\u00eb ardhura nga shoq\u00ebria civile, n\u00eb fund votoi po nj\u00eb kandidatur\u00eb politike. Zoti Berisha e mbylli procesin e zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit pa kriz\u00eb politike, por, me zgjedhjen e Nishanit, ai nuk ka arritur t\u2019u p\u00ebrgjigjet pozitivisht k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb faktorit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, i cili b\u00ebri jo pak p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb potencuar nj\u00eb kandidatur\u00eb q\u00eb nuk vinte nga radh\u00ebt e figurave politike t\u00eb partive. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, edhe pse ka zgjedhur nj\u00eb figur\u00eb q\u00eb respektohet jo pak brenda formacionit t\u00eb vet politik, ai ka krijuar edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb tjet\u00ebr nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb karrier\u00ebs brenda PD-s\u00eb, meqen\u00ebse zoti Nishani ishte m\u00eb pak i kuotuar politikisht si kandidat p\u00ebr President sesa disa figura t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb, q\u00eb realisht kishin m\u00eb tep\u00ebr pesh\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi real, institucional, politik dhe simbolik se zoti Nishani.
\nDy kandidat\u00eb jasht\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhan\u00eb dor\u00ebheqjen nga kandidimi p\u00ebr postin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dyshimeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e tyre. Ju keni deklaruar vazhdimisht se duhet t\u00eb hapen dosjet e ish-Sigurimit si nj\u00eb zgjidhje morale p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Mendoni se kjo ide \u00ebsht\u00eb aktuale dhe sot e se maxhoranca duhet t\u2019i jap\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhje k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje?
\nAjo q\u00eb ndodhi me t\u00ebrheqjen e kandidaturave p\u00ebr President t\u00eb paraqitura nga maxhoranca, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb e tregon edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e hapjes s\u00eb dosjeve. Nuk e kuptoj pse nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb nuk merret seriozisht. Fakti q\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt p\u00ebr president\u00eb u shantazhuan, tregon se ata mund t\u00eb shantazhoheshin edhe pasi t\u00eb zgjidheshin n\u00eb postin e Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs. Mendoni nj\u00eb President q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i kusht\u00ebzuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb. Presidenti ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb vendime dhe informacione t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr fatet e qytetar\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb vendit dhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet shantazheve ato mund t\u00eb ktheheshin n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Nuk duhet harruar gjithashtu se ish-bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb Shtetit mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb ose mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen ministra, deputet\u00eb, diplomat\u00eb, funksionar\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit dhe kjo e b\u00ebn vulnerab\u00ebl vet\u00eb shtetin shqiptar. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye \u00ebsht\u00eb jetike p\u00ebr vendin q\u00eb t\u00eb hapen dosjet, sepse duke u hapur dosjet s\u00eb pari, ish-bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e Sigurimit t\u00eb Shtetit fitojn\u00eb lirin\u00eb e tyre, s\u00eb dyti, vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb Sigurimi i shtetit pushon realisht s\u00eb funksionuari dhe, s\u00eb treti, institucionet e shtetit shqiptar nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shantazhuara dhe t\u00eb shantazhueshme. Ajo q\u00eb ndodhi gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit \u00ebsht\u00eb e \u00e7uditshme, irrituese dhe i ngarkon me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi propozuesit e tyre. Zoti Berisha si ish-president dhe Kryeminist\u00ebr, zoti Meta si ish-kryeminist\u00ebr dhe minist\u00ebr i Jasht\u00ebm duhet ta ken\u00eb ditur implikimin apo mosimplikimin e secilit prej kandidat\u00ebve n\u00eb Sigurimin e Shtetit, sepse nj\u00ebri prej tyre ka qen\u00eb ambasador dhe tjetri minist\u00ebr. At\u00ebher\u00eb, pse u gjet\u00ebn pik\u00ebrisht ata?
\n\u00a0Me zgjedhjen e Nishanit n\u00eb postin e Presidentit, e djathta kontrollon p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha postet ky\u00e7e t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri duke filluar nga kreu i shtetit e deri tek Bashkia e Tiran\u00ebs. A \u00ebsht\u00eb i drejt\u00eb ky konstatim dhe si duhet ta trajtoj\u00eb PD k\u00ebt\u00eb debat n\u00eb opinionin publik n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb nj\u00eb fitoreje n\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme?<\/strong>
\nSistemi politik shqiptar, por jo vet\u00ebm ai shqiptar, i v\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb forcat politike n\u00eb situata t\u00eb ngjashme. Raste t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb fatlume, sepse nj\u00eb forc\u00eb politike mund ta ushtroj\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht vizionin e saj qeveris\u00ebs pa pengesa artificiale, por, edhe fatkeqe, ngaq\u00eb mungesa e ekuilibrit t\u00eb pushteteve rrit mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr abuzim. I shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb k\u00ebtij kurthi vet\u00ebm ata lider\u00eb politik\u00eb dhe forca politike q\u00eb e kuptojn\u00eb se sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb akumulosh, aq m\u00eb i madh \u00ebsht\u00eb rreziku i humbjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij pushteti dhe se nj\u00eb hap e ndan ushtrimin e pushtetit nga uzurpimi i tij. Kapitalizmi demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb sistem vet\u00ebrregullues, q\u00eb ka n\u00eb thelbin e vet ekuilibrimin dhe kufizimin e pushteteve. Si t\u00eb tilla i gjen zgjidhjet pavar\u00ebsisht vullnetit apo forc\u00ebs s\u00eb aktor\u00ebve q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb kuadrin e tij. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, p\u00ebrkimi q\u00eb ju p\u00ebrmendni n\u00eb pyetjen tuaj, rrit nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi n\u00eb ushtrimin e pushtetit, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00ebndrim kritik brenda forcave t\u00eb pushtetit.
\n\u00a0Gjat\u00eb negociatave p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e Presidentit u vu re se pesh\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb vendimmarrjes e pati tryeza e kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb partive t\u00eb koalicionit dhe jo diskutimi brenda Partis\u00eb Demokratike, si partia q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb kryesore ndaj qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb e kan\u00eb votuar. A mendoni se po zhduket fryma kritike brenda PD-s\u00eb dhe sa ndikon kjo n\u00eb ngushtimin e baz\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj partie n\u00eb shtresat e elektoratit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb?<\/strong>
\nP\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kompozimit t\u00eb Parlamentit t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga zgjedhjet e 2009-s, pesha e LSI-s\u00eb dhe e partive t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb vogla n\u00eb koalicion ka qen\u00eb e ndjeshme dhe n\u00eb disproporcion me numrin e deputet\u00ebve q\u00eb ata kan\u00eb n\u00eb Parlament. Ky l\u00ebshim q\u00eb PD-ja ka b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb partive pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse n\u00eb koalicion, ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb nga faktor\u00ebt e q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb koalicionit.
\nTeorikisht i domosdosh\u00ebm dhe praktikisht i dobish\u00ebm, ky kompromis politik e ka d\u00ebmtuar jo pak PD-n\u00eb gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij mandati qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb nivelin e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit. Edhe pse u konfirmua nga zgjedhjet e 2009-s si forca kryesore politike n\u00eb vend, PD ka qeverisur thuajse si forc\u00eb e barabart\u00eb me LSI-n\u00eb dhe aleat\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs presidenciale, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb u konfirmua qart\u00ebsisht. Pesha e tyre ndikoi jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb em\u00ebrimin e kandidaturave jo politike t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve p\u00ebr President, por edhe t\u00eb kandidaturave politike t\u00eb ardhura nga PD-ja. Gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit, pesha vendimmarr\u00ebse e strukturave t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb dhe e Grupit Parlamentar ishte thuajse e pandjeshme, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb tryeza e aleat\u00ebve vendoste p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka.
\nP\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, me kalimin e viteve kan\u00eb ndodhur edhe dukuri t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb e kan\u00eb ndryshuar jo pak natyr\u00ebn e PD-s\u00eb. Fal\u00eb k\u00ebtyre ndryshimeve, ajo shfaqet sot si nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb politike dhe elektorale gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb solide, nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh edhe m\u00eb pak p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve, PD-ja ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr hapje t\u00eb vazhdueshme drejt shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile dhe ka tentuar t\u2019i bashkoj\u00eb fraksionet e larguara m\u00eb par\u00eb, e, megjithat\u00eb ajo ka shkuar drejt uljes s\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit. T\u00eb ardhurit e rinj, por edhe t\u00eb kthyerit, jan\u00eb standardizuar dhe modeluar aq shum\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatje me modelin e sjelljes politike q\u00eb t\u00eb siguron mbijetes\u00ebn n\u00eb PD, sa e kan\u00eb humbur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar nuanca ideore dhe shtres\u00ebzime sociale q\u00eb i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin n\u00eb nisje t\u00eb karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre politike ose q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin. K\u00ebshtu, ata kan\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar edhe veten, edhe PD-n\u00eb.
\nM\u00eb shqet\u00ebsues \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se n\u00eb PD p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb fluid dhe m\u00eb i par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe kjo u duk edhe n\u00eb procesin e fundit t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit. Kandidaturat q\u00eb nxori e djathta, ishin ose ish-bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb Shtetit, ose funksionar\u00eb t\u00eb regjimit, ose ish-komunist\u00eb. Mendoni p\u00ebr shembull q\u00eb z. Zaganjori, i cili u paraqit si kandidatur\u00eb zyrtare e maxhoranc\u00ebs n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e par\u00eb, edhe pse n\u00eb mosh\u00eb relativisht t\u00eb re, ishte pranuar n\u00eb Partin\u00eb e Pun\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 1988 dhe rezultonte i angazhuar n\u00eb sistemin e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs. N\u00ebse b\u00ebheshe komunist n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e konsolidimit t\u00eb sistemit ishte disi e shpjegueshme, pasi angazhimi partiak ishte nj\u00eb form\u00eb kompromisi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar n\u00eb at\u00eb regjim, t\u00eb b\u00ebheshe komunist n\u00eb vitin 1988 ishte krejt\u00ebsisht e pashpjegueshme: ose duhej t\u00eb ishe i paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjykuar, ose duhej t\u00eb ishe shum\u00eb i lidhur me regjimin.<\/p>\n

Nuk ka arsye q\u00eb edhe sot, 20 vjet pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs, nj\u00eb forc\u00eb e djatht\u00eb t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb vazhdimisht drejt figurave t\u00eb lidhura me diktatur\u00ebn komuniste, ashtu sikurse nuk ka kuptim q\u00eb figura t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb pranohen pa kurrfar\u00eb rezistence nga nj\u00eb forc\u00eb e djatht\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb duhet ta korrigjoj\u00eb PD-ja n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia me shtresat e djathta duhet t\u00eb ridimensionohet, pasi ajo nuk mund t\u00eb ushqehet m\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet retorik\u00ebs. N\u00ebse kjo nuk ndodh, n\u00eb terrenin tradicional t\u00eb elektoratit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb djatht\u00eb mund ta shtrijn\u00eb ndikimin formacionet e reja t\u00eb krijuara rishtas apo q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijohen n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.
\n\u00a0N\u00eb kushtet kur brenda PD ka pak debat dhe strukturat e k\u00ebsaj partie pothuajse nuk mblidhen, \u00e7far\u00eb mendoni se duhet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb kjo maxhoranc\u00eb n\u00eb aksionin e saj politik dhe qeveris\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur shanset e fitores s\u00eb nj\u00eb mandati t\u00eb tret\u00eb qeveris\u00ebs?<\/strong>
\nPD po e p\u00ebrmbyll periudh\u00ebn e saj postkomuniste dhe mendoj se ka ardhur momenti p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bilanc dhe nj\u00eb vizion. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve ajo ka qen\u00eb forca kryesore transformuese e vendit dhe ky bilanc nuk mund t\u00eb mohohet nga askush, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb pjes\u00eb e historis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Kjo gjithashtu nuk mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb as p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbuluar problemet e krijuara gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve. P\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia q\u00eb buron prej k\u00ebtij bilanci pozitiv, por prej k\u00ebsaj problematike, e b\u00ebn t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm nj\u00eb moment reflektimi p\u00ebr PD-n\u00eb si forca kryesore e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Si parti e krijuar n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb caktuara historike, ajo i bart edhe pasojat e k\u00ebtyre rrethanave, dhe si \u00e7do forc\u00eb politike e ka t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebrshtatjen me rrethanat e reja.
\nMendoj se ka ardhur momenti i nj\u00eb akti rithemelues t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb. Me akt rithemelues kam parasysh at\u00eb q\u00eb ka ndodhur me formacionet politike t\u00eb majta dhe t\u00eb djathta n\u00eb Franc\u00eb, Itali, apo n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e tjera per\u00ebndimore, sa her\u00eb ka lindur nevoja p\u00ebr rivitalizimin e formacioneve politike. Rithemelim nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb humbje e identitetit politik, por rip\u00ebrcaktim identiteti. Akt rithemelues nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u2019i hedh\u00ebsh tej asetet q\u00eb ke, as ta shnd\u00ebrrosh partin\u00eb n\u00eb koleksion figurash politike q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb PD dikur. Akt rithemelues \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rikonceptim thelb\u00ebsor i programit, i figurave t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit dhe i vizionit politik t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb dhe s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs shqiptare, nj\u00eb rikonceptim t\u00ebr\u00ebsor i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me elektoratin dhe shtres\u00ebzimet e p\u00ebrcaktuara, nj\u00eb rikonceptim i raporteve me faktor\u00ebt brenda dhe jasht\u00eb sistemit politik shqiptar, nj\u00eb rikonceptim i komunikimit politik. Rithemelimi si akt ruan at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb progresive dhe m\u00eb e qen\u00ebsishme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb formacion politik dhe thith at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb jetike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e saj dhe q\u00eb i mungon p\u00ebr momentin.
\nNatyrisht nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet menj\u00ebher\u00eb, por q\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb, duhet para s\u00eb gjithash t\u00eb hapet debati politik brenda dhe jasht\u00eb PD-s\u00eb. Deri tani debati p\u00ebr PD-n\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb jasht\u00eb PD-s\u00eb dhe nga ata q\u00eb, ose kan\u00eb ikur nga PD-ja p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb brendshme, ose q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion brenda PD-s\u00eb dhe s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. Do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e sh\u00ebndetshme p\u00ebr PD-n\u00eb, por edhe p\u00ebr sistemin politik shqiptar, q\u00eb ky debat t\u00eb kthehet edhe brenda PD-s\u00eb. N\u00ebse deri tani disiplina dhe rregulli politik kan\u00eb qen\u00eb jetik\u00eb p\u00ebr ekzistenc\u00ebn e koalicionit dhe t\u00eb koherenc\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb PD-s\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb momenteve t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira politike q\u00eb kemi kaluar dhe p\u00ebr shkak v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb manovrimit me nj\u00eb num\u00ebr shum\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar deputet\u00ebsh, tani e tutje kjo disiplin\u00eb mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb di\u00e7ka degraduese. Mendoj se PD mund t\u2019i kombinoj\u00eb fare mir\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb tret\u00eb me p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr rikonceptimin e vetvetes duke iu ofruar qytetar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb si nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb e re, shpres\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebse, konkurruese. P\u00ebrvoja e ka treguar q\u00eb ato forca politike q\u00eb nuk e kuptojn\u00eb ndryshimin e realitetit, ose nuk e ndiejn\u00eb er\u00ebn e ndryshimit, tejkalohen prej vet\u00eb realitetit.
\n\u00a0PD erdhi n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2005-n me premtimin kryesor p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7montuar sistemin e korrupsionit q\u00eb ishte vendosur nga qeveria e m\u00ebparshme socialiste. Si ju rezulton sot, pas 7 vitesh t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj maxhorance n\u00eb pushtet, realizimi i k\u00ebtij premtimi, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb perceptimi i publikut ka ndryshuar shum\u00eb pak?<\/strong>
\n\u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb korrupsioni p\u00ebrb\u00ebn ende nj\u00eb rrezik p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare. \u00cbsht\u00eb gjithashtu e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se, pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve dhe rezultateve t\u00eb arritura, ne nuk i kemi p\u00ebrmbushur pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e publikut p\u00ebr luft\u00ebn ndaj korrupsionit. Ne kemi ardhur n\u00eb pushtet si forc\u00eb antikorruptive dhe po e mbyllim mandatin e dyt\u00eb qeveris\u00ebs si forc\u00eb e akuzuar p\u00ebr korrupsion. Edhe pse shpeshher\u00eb akuzat q\u00eb b\u00ebhen ndaj maxhoranc\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse jan\u00eb t\u00eb pabazuara, madje n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste thjesht shpifje q\u00eb synojn\u00eb njollosjen e imazhit t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarit, do t\u00eb ishte e pandershme t\u2019i shmangemi thelbit t\u00eb problemit: korrupsioni \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dukuri gjer\u00ebsisht e p\u00ebrhapur n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare dhe n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn shtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

Ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb studiuar thelb\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb dukuri, kan\u00eb arritur n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin se korrupsioni luftohet n\u00eb dy nivele: e para duke zhdukur shkakun e tij, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb duke i organizuar sh\u00ebrbimet ndaj qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb praktikisht t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb dikush t\u00eb paguaj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim pasi ai i ofrohet falas ose p\u00ebrkundrejt tarif\u00ebs legale, shpejt dhe pa v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi, dhe s\u00eb dyti, duke rritur koston e tij, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb sistemin legal efikas n\u00eb at\u00eb shkall\u00eb saq\u00eb akti i korruptimit t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb akt me pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda si p\u00ebr korruptuesin, ashtu dhe t\u00eb korruptuarin. N\u00eb nivelin e par\u00eb, rolin kryesor duhet ta luaj\u00eb qeveria, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb nivelin e dyt\u00eb sistemi juridik. N\u00eb nivelin e par\u00eb t\u00eb luft\u00ebs ndaj korrupsionit gj\u00ebrat kan\u00eb l\u00ebvizur ndjesh\u00ebm, por megjithat\u00eb rezultatet nuk jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme. N\u00eb nivelin e dyt\u00eb gjendja dihet. N\u00ebse duam t\u00eb p\u00ebrballemi me efikasitet me dukurin\u00eb e korrupsionit, duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrim nj\u00eb reformim t\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore dhe t\u00eb sistemit gjyq\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Deputeti i PD, Mark Marku, 25.06.2012 Deputeti i PD flet p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb, koalicionin dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn. \u201cNoka u shp\u00ebrblye p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkushtimin ndaj PD e Berish\u00ebs. Haxhinasto e Panariti, sipas parimit askush n\u00eb vendin e vet\u201d Marku: Berisha e Meta, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs q\u00eb propozuan ish-bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb Sigurimit p\u00ebr President. Mark Marku i konsideron pa logjik\u00eb politike ndryshimet […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,4],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-3393","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj","7":"category-intervista"},"yoast_head":"\nMarku: Ndryshimet n\u00eb Qeveri kund\u00ebr logjik\u00ebs politike, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr nj\u00eb akt rithemelimi t\u00eb PD - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/marku-ndryshimet-ne-qeveri-kunder-logjikes-politike-eshte-koha-per-nje-akt-rithemelimi-te-pd\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Marku: Ndryshimet n\u00eb Qeveri kund\u00ebr logjik\u00ebs politike, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr nj\u00eb akt rithemelimi t\u00eb PD - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Deputeti i PD, Mark Marku, 25.06.2012 Deputeti i PD flet p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb, koalicionin dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn. \u201cNoka u shp\u00ebrblye p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkushtimin ndaj PD e Berish\u00ebs. 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