![\"\"](\"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/images\/fjala\/blendi_kajsiu.jpg\" "\\"Blendi")
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Blendi Kajsiu<\/strong>, 16.07.2010<\/em><\/p>\n Refuzimi sistematik q\u00eb Kuvendi u b\u00ebn kandidaturave t\u00eb propozuara nga Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs, p\u00ebr n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e betej\u00ebs p\u00ebr kontrollin e instancave t\u00eb larta t\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsorit. Natyrisht kjo betej\u00eb shpesh nga ana e shumic\u00ebs serviret si ‘kontroll parlamentar’ n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet seancave d\u00ebgjimore. Ama e vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb d\u00ebgjon n\u00eb k\u00ebto seanca \u00ebsht\u00eb refuzimi sistematik i kandidaturave t\u00eb Presidentit, me arsye q\u00eb p\u00ebr nga mungesa e logjik\u00ebs ting\u00ebllojn\u00eb si justifikime.<\/p>\n K\u00ebshtu nj\u00ebri syresh nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera u akuzua se kish qen\u00eb nja dy vjet an\u00ebtar i Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ishte e papranueshme p\u00ebr deputet\u00ebt demokrat\u00eb, lideri i t\u00eb cil\u00ebve ka qen\u00eb an\u00ebtar i Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs nja 12 vjet (ama n\u00ebse t\u00eb qenurit komunist vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr dy vjet nuk mjafton, kjo duhej b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb te kriteret e vler\u00ebsimit).<\/p>\n Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb Presidenti dhe shumica n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebrplasen p\u00ebr kandidaturat e instancave m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsorit. Risia e betej\u00ebs aktuale \u00ebsht\u00eb shpejt\u00ebsia, ashp\u00ebrsia dhe masiviteti i refuzimit t\u00eb kandidaturave t\u00eb Presidentit nga ana e shumic\u00ebs n\u00eb pushtet. Lideri i shumic\u00ebs Berisha e ka deklaruar haptas se shumica nuk do aprovoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb kandidatur\u00eb, q\u00eb nuk konsultohet paraprakisht me t\u00eb. Shkurt kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb; po nuk na p\u00eblqeu, nuk em\u00ebrohet.<\/p>\n Natyrisht Presidenti mund t’ia kthej\u00eb shumic\u00ebs me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn monedh\u00eb, duke mos propozuar figurat e saj t\u00eb preferuara. Kjo do prodhonte, si\u00e7 ka prodhuar, nj\u00eb bllokim t\u00eb instancave m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsorit, si Gjykata e Lart\u00eb. Ama kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb i shkon p\u00ebr shtat \u00e7do ekzekutivi dhe shumic\u00ebs n\u00eb pushtet, q\u00eb preferon nj\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsor t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb bllokuar, n\u00ebse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i mbushur me sh\u00ebrb\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb saj. Ndaj refuzimi i kandidaturave t\u00eb Presidentit p\u00ebr gjyq\u00ebsorin nga Parlamenti do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se propozimi mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nga Presidenti, por em\u00ebrimi buron nga shumica.<\/p>\n Kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb risi politike, q\u00eb tashm\u00eb gradualisht po e sjell gjyq\u00ebsorin n\u00eb kontrollin e shumic\u00ebs n\u00eb pushtet. Ama nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me shkelje t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, por me nj\u00eb deformim politik q\u00eb buron nga ndryshimet e fundit kushtetuese. Arroganca aktuale e shumic\u00ebs parlamentare dhe e liderit t\u00eb saj buron nga dob\u00ebsia politike e Presidentit. Presidenti nuk ka asnj\u00eb arm\u00eb politike me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb shantazhoj\u00eb shumic\u00ebn parlamentare, n\u00ebse ajo uzurpon kompetencat dhe prerogativat e tij kushtetuese, duke i interpretuar ato sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs. Arma m\u00eb e fundit dhe m\u00eb e fort\u00eb q\u00eb ka nj\u00eb president, p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb shumice q\u00eb e injoron t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht at\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb dor\u00ebheqja. Por n\u00eb kushtet kur Presidenti zgjidhet me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb, ky akt nuk ka asnj\u00eb impakt.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrkundrazi, n\u00ebse hipotetikisht Topi do dor\u00ebhiqej n\u00eb shenj\u00eb proteste ndaj bllokimit q\u00eb po i b\u00ebn PD-ja, kjo e fundit do zgjidhte n\u00eb Presidenc\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00ebnpun\u00ebs t\u00eb r\u00ebndomt\u00eb t\u00eb saj. Megjithat\u00eb duhet theksuar se dor\u00ebheqja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb jet\u00eb aktuale, por potenciale p\u00ebr ta dh\u00ebn\u00eb efektin e saj. Nj\u00eb President q\u00eb paraprakisht deklaron se do t\u00eb dor\u00ebhiqet, n\u00ebse shumica i rr\u00ebzon n\u00eb bllok t\u00eb pes\u00eb kandidaturat e tij e kufizon shum\u00eb arroganc\u00ebn e shumic\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse, q\u00eb n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla do duhej t\u00eb zgjidhte mes kontrollit t\u00eb Pushtetit Gjyq\u00ebsor dhe atij Ekzekutiv. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi edhe pa u aktualizuar kurr\u00eb do mjaftonte.<\/p>\n Fatkeq\u00ebsisht ndryshimet e fundit kushtetuese e zhvesh\u00ebn Presidentin nga pothuajse \u00e7do pushtet real politik. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, kompetencat e tij kushtetuese t\u00eb pamb\u00ebshtetura n\u00eb nj\u00eb kapital politik u kthyen n\u00eb prerogativa formale. Presidenti n\u00eb let\u00ebr ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t’i ushtroj\u00eb k\u00ebto prerogative, por politikisht ai nuk ka asnj\u00eb instrument politik q\u00eb i garanton ato n\u00eb instanc\u00ebn e fundit. N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla, shumica n\u00eb pushtet nuk ka p\u00ebrse t’ia f\u00ebrsh\u00ebllej\u00eb fare Presidentit apo propozimeve t\u00eb tij. Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb po shohim sot n\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjen mes Parlamentit (ekzekutivit) dhe Presidentit. Parlamenti rr\u00ebzon, denigron dhe injoron \u00e7do propozim t\u00eb Presidentit me leht\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n Nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb betej\u00eb t\u00eb humbur t\u00eb Presidentit aktual, por nj\u00eb betej\u00eb t\u00eb humbur t\u00eb Presidenc\u00ebs si institucion. Ndryshimet kushtetuese e vendos\u00ebn Presidenc\u00ebn n\u00ebn kontrollin e shumic\u00ebs parlamentare, e cila po me k\u00ebto ndryshime \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur pothuajse t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00ebn kontrollin e Kryeministrit. Ndaj p\u00ebrpara sesa t\u00eb b\u00ebrtasim ‘po shkelet Kushtetuta’, sot duhet b\u00ebrtitur ‘Kushtetuta duhet ndryshuar, p\u00ebr t’u b\u00ebr\u00eb ashtu si\u00e7 ishte’. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb thirrje t\u00eb till\u00eb sot nuk po e d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb, as nga opozita q\u00eb na e b\u00ebri dhurat\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Blendi Kajsiu, 16.07.2010 Refuzimi sistematik q\u00eb Kuvendi u b\u00ebn kandidaturave t\u00eb propozuara nga Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs, p\u00ebr n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e betej\u00ebs p\u00ebr kontrollin e instancave t\u00eb larta t\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsorit. Natyrisht kjo betej\u00eb shpesh nga ana e shumic\u00ebs serviret si ‘kontroll parlamentar’ n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet seancave d\u00ebgjimore. Ama e vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb d\u00ebgjon n\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-3370","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\n
\nShum\u00eb ndryshe do kish qen\u00eb situata me Kushtetut\u00ebn e vitit 1998, ku Presidenti zgjidhej me 3\/5 e vot\u00ebs (84 vota). Dor\u00ebheqja e nj\u00eb Presidenti t\u00eb till\u00eb do e \u00e7onte vendin direkt n\u00eb kriz\u00eb dhe n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme. N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, arroganca politike e shumic\u00ebs do tulatej shum\u00eb. Shum\u00ebkush mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb ‘epo ku ka president q\u00eb dor\u00ebhiqet, aq m\u00eb pak nj\u00eb si Topi, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe politikan karriere’. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe prandaj Topi si politikan aktiv nuk ishte profili q\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatej m\u00eb mir\u00eb Presidenc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n