{"id":2024,"date":"2014-10-10T07:20:18","date_gmt":"2014-10-10T06:20:18","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=2024"},"modified":"2014-10-10T07:20:18","modified_gmt":"2014-10-10T06:20:18","slug":"ndryshimet-ne-kushtetute-duhet-te-behen","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/ndryshimet-ne-kushtetute-duhet-te-behen\/","title":{"rendered":"Ndryshimet n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhen"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" BUJAR ABEDINAJ<\/strong><\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb reflektim po e nis nga premisa e par\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb cilit shpresa e prof. Shenasi Ram\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e shqiptar\u00ebve fillon dhe mb\u00ebshtetet pik\u00ebrisht te egzistenca e shtetit ton\u00eb, megjith\u00eb dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e konstatueshme. At\u00ebher\u00eb, si nj\u00eb punonj\u00ebs \u00e7far\u00ebdo i shtetit, mendoj se m\u00eb takon t\u00eb kontribuoj me sa dhe si mund, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ndarjen e opinionit p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtij rrjeti, n\u00eb Facebook.<\/p>\n

1.-Jam dakord me mendimin e shprehur n\u00eb intervist\u00eb, por edhe nga shum\u00eb persona publik\u00eb k\u00ebtu n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb konstitucionalist\u00eb t\u00eb nderuar, q\u00eb ka ardhur koha p\u00ebr disa ndryshime n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb. Pik\u00ebs\u00ebpari, mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb respektohet ndarja tradicionale sipas tre shtyllave kryesore t\u00eb pushtetit, gjyq\u00ebsor, legjislativ, ekzekutiv, se sa (praktikisht), pothuaj me 5 apo 6 ndarje, q\u00eb e kemi ne. Sepse, de fakto, mendoj se funksionojn\u00eb thuajse si pushtete me vete edhe ai i Prokurorit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, i Guvernatorit t\u00eb Bank\u00ebs s\u00eb Shtetit, apo i Drejtorit t\u00eb SHISH, etj. P\u00ebrshembull, n\u00eb kushtet kur ky i fundit em\u00ebrohet apo shkarkohet me propozim t\u00eb Kryeministrit dhe me miratim t\u00eb Presidentit, l\u00ebnia pa nj\u00eb mandat (t\u00eb themi 5 apo 7 vje\u00e7ar) e Drejtorit t\u00eb SHISH e ndikon k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, kushdoqoft\u00eb ky, t\u00eb ndihet i lumtur, sa her\u00eb q\u00eb Kryeministri nuk shkon mir\u00eb me Presidentin. Nuk besoj se ka pasur ndonj\u00eb ndikim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mes por \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt q\u00eb, te ne, thuajse asnj\u00ebher\u00eb Kryeministri nuk ka shkuar si duhet me Presidentin. Kjo ndarje pushtetesh mbase \u00ebsht\u00eb parashikuar nga q\u00ebllimi i mir\u00eb i nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtareve p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur m\u00eb tep\u00ebr leva ndikimi, n\u00eb rast se ndonj\u00ebri nga pushtetet mund t\u00eb dilte “jasht\u00eb kontrollit”, por them se tani udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit tan\u00eb jan\u00eb “pjekur” dhe pirustia mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb edhe vet\u00ebm mbi tre k\u00ebmb\u00eb.<\/p>\n

2.-Sa i p\u00ebrket pun\u00ebs s\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, mendoj se me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb pranohen elemet\u00ebt pozitiv\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa theksohet se nj\u00eb qeveri gjykohet jo aq nga ajo q\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb se sa nga ajo q\u00eb nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb. Ky vler\u00ebsim mendoj se q\u00ebndron, edhe p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb ‘Rama’, natyrisht, por \u00e7\u00ebshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb se, p\u00ebrsa koh\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte e mundur n\u00eb kushtet konkrete? Nd\u00ebrsa mund\u00ebsia e d\u00ebshtimit lidhet, sipas prof. Ram\u00ebs, me vler\u00ebsimin p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e vullnetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb duhet, megjithese numrat ekzistojn\u00eb. Tani, vullneti mbetet p\u00ebr t’u par\u00eb edhe per ca koh\u00eb. Por, sot p\u00ebr sot, un\u00eb mendoj se nuk ka ndonj\u00eb pritshm\u00ebri tjet\u00ebr realiste, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se nga qeveria ekzistuese dhe kryeministri Rama. K\u00ebt\u00eb e them jo sepse k\u00ebta jan\u00eb, por sepse rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb v\u00ebrtet, n\u00ebse nuk do t\u00eb demonstrojn\u00eb vullnetin e duhur. Argumenti i mandatit t\u00eb gjer\u00eb popullor \u00ebsht\u00eb i pakund\u00ebrshtuesh\u00ebm dhe koha ka rrjedhur n\u00eb at\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb mos durojn\u00eb deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb rregullt, n\u00ebse kuptojn\u00eb q\u00eb politika \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr.<\/p>\n

3.-Nj\u00eb premis\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb intervist\u00eb, ku mb\u00ebshtetet shpresa p\u00ebr ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e vendit (premisa e shtat\u00eb), lidhet me rezultatin (faktin) e politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb shtet-kombit t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, por edhe me logjik\u00ebn ekonomike, kulturore, politike e shq\u00ebrore, “e bile edhe i organizimit t\u00eb klaneve kriminale.” Un\u00eb mendoj se kjo premis\u00eb mund t\u00eb lidhet deri diku me vet\u00eb konceptin e autorit p\u00ebr parin\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs, q\u00eb shtjellohet m\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb Intervist\u00ebs. Por k\u00ebtu fjala nuk shkon aq p\u00ebr konceptin e autorit n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, sesa p\u00ebr rezultatin p\u00ebrfundimtar n\u00eb momentin e tanish\u00ebm, q\u00eb ka rrjedhur nga evoluimi dhe produkti i k\u00ebsaj parie (t\u00eb presupozuar), gjat k\u00ebtyre 24 viteve tranzicion. Sipas meje, jasht\u00eb “Paris\u00eb”, ky rezultat p\u00ebrfundimtar nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se shtresa e re e kapitalist\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, me \u00e7far\u00eb shkon m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti logjika ekonomike, kulturore, politike, etj. Pra, premisa e shtat\u00eb mendoj se mund t\u00eb riformulohet edhe ndryshe: faktori nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe kapitali vendas (kapitalist\u00ebt e rinj) jan\u00eb duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb t\u00eb interesuar p\u00ebr shtet-kombin e ri shqiptar. E po shum\u00eb mir\u00eb ! At\u00ebhere, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 shtetit, n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb shtet-kombit t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve kemi edhe nj\u00eb forc\u00eb tjet\u00ebr l\u00ebviz\u00ebse: klas\u00ebn e kapitalist\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj shqiptar\u00eb. P\u00ebrpara se ta paragjykojm\u00eb dhe politizojm\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb origjin\u00ebs dhe historis\u00eb, si dhe duke qen\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb fakti t\u00eb kryer, le ta shohim si kontributore. Por, n\u00eb gjykimin tim, kapitalist\u00ebt e rinj shqiptar\u00eb, paraqesin disa ve\u00e7ori:<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, kapitalist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb nuk e respektojn\u00eb si duhet pasurin\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb fituar. Si shembull ilustrues mund t\u00eb merret rasti i t\u00eb ndjerit Artan Santo, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin ruaj p\u00ebrshtypjet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira p\u00ebr at\u00eb si person, si qytetar dhe si figur\u00eb publike. N\u00eb perceptimin tim ishte krejt dashamir\u00ebs, human dhe miq\u00ebsor. Nj\u00eb kapitalist \u2013 bir i k\u00ebtij vendi, me t\u00eb cilin edhe shqiptar\u00ebt e thjesht\u00eb mund t\u00eb krenoheshin. Por pavar\u00ebsisht mir\u00ebsis\u00eb njer\u00ebzore, humanizmit, qytetaris\u00eb, vet\u00eb-siguris\u00eb dhe qet\u00ebsis\u00eb shpirt\u00ebrore q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndjejn\u00eb dhe ken\u00eb kapitalist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb, ata duhet ta kuptojn\u00eb seriozisht se pasuria e tyre, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 kontributeve prodhon edhe armiq\u00ebsi. Pra kapitalist\u00ebt shqiptare nuk shpenzojn\u00eb sa dhe si duhet per sigurin\u00eb vetjake, familjare, t\u00eb biznesit, t\u00eb shtetit, por edhe p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kjo neglizhohet edhe n\u00eb rastin e siguris\u00eb fizike, sikurse u duk me t\u00eb ndjerin Artan Santo. Mir\u00ebpo, t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb se kapitalist\u00ebt jan\u00eb taksa-paguesit m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhej t\u00eb shtetit, dhe d\u00ebshtimi i tyre, rast pas rasti, n\u00eb fakt mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb c\u00ebnim i siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Sidomos kur d\u00ebshtimi i tyre shkon n\u00eb p\u00ebrfitim t\u00eb kapitalit t\u00eb huaj. Prandaj, shteti, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe Sh\u00ebrbimet sekrete, kan\u00eb detyrime t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb bizneset e m\u00ebdha nga konkurrenca e huaj, por edhe bizneset kan\u00eb detyrime q\u00eb ta mb\u00ebshtesin shtetin p\u00ebr forcimin e institucioneve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb dhe inteligjenc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, kapitalist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb, ashtu sikurse edhe vet\u00eb shteti yn\u00eb 24 vje\u00e7ar I tranzicionit, kan\u00eb nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb mang\u00ebt p\u00ebr informacionin dhe inteligjenc\u00ebn, fal\u00eb edhe loj\u00ebs idiote t\u00eb politik\u00ebs gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 24 vjet\u00ebve lidhur me rrjetin e fsheht\u00eb t\u00eb Sh\u00ebrbimit informativ gjat\u00eb regjimit komunist. Sepse masat p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb fizike jan\u00eb mjeti i fundit p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar dhe p\u00ebr t’u mbrojtur nga nj\u00eb sulm i momentit. Por siguria inteligjente (apo inteligjenca e siguris\u00eb) \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr, sepse synon mbrojtjen nga rreziqet e ardhshme dhe synimet afat-gjata, q\u00eb mund t’i kanosen jo vet\u00ebm shtetit, por edhe nj\u00eb biznesi t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm privat, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb titullarin e biznesit dhe familjen e tij, personelin q\u00eb ka pasur, q\u00eb ka apo synon t\u00eb pun\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, si dhe gjith\u00eb pasurin\u00eb dhe asetet e tjera, q\u00eb ka n\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzim, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe planet dhe kontratat q\u00eb synon t\u00eb realizoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen. Sepse konkurrent\u00ebt (p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ata t\u00eb huaj) mund t\u00eb t\u00eb g\u00ebrryejn\u00eb si mola, q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb disa-vje\u00e7are t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb transferimin e kapitalit nga vendasi tek i huaji, biles ndoshta edhe pa prekur fare mir\u00ebqenien familjare t\u00eb biznesmenit vendas. Nga nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim i ngusht\u00eb, (shpesh shqiptar\u00e7e), shum\u00eb nga ne mund ta presin me k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi nj\u00eb \u00e7ast t\u00eb till\u00eb. Por \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrfiton Shqip\u00ebria, n\u00ebse gjith\u00eb pasurit\u00eb e saj t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme tjet\u00ebrsohen nga t\u00eb huajt ose administrohen si pron\u00ebsia e tyre vetjake? Cfar\u00eb do p\u00ebrfitonte ky shqiptari i varf\u00ebr nga fatkeq\u00ebsia e si-v\u00ebllaut t\u00eb vet t\u00eb pasur, kur nj\u00eb hyrje 1 plus 1 n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb m\u00eb asnj\u00eb kuptim m\u00eb tep\u00ebr se sa nj\u00eb hyrje 1 plus 1 kudo tjet\u00ebr, n\u00eb \u00e7do shtet t\u00eb bot\u00ebs?<\/p>\n

Kjo lloj mendje-leht\u00ebsie besoj se rrjedh nga periudha relativisht e shpejt\u00eb e krijimit t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb re kapitaliste. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, nuk duhet harruar se pasuria e kapitalist\u00ebve evropian\u00eb, psh, ka rrjedhur p\u00ebrmes dhjetra e qindra viteve intrigash oborri mbret\u00ebror, vrasjesh dhe luftrash. Kjo eksperienc\u00eb shekullore ka krijuar kultur\u00ebn e nevojshme informative te kapitalisti per\u00ebndimor, ku n\u00eb segmentin p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs t\u00eb ADN-s\u00eb s\u00eb vet besoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb kodifikuar komunikimi dhe ndarja e informacionit sekret, thuajse sekret, konfidencial, privat, familjar apo personal. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri kemi 24 vjet q\u00eb po b\u00ebrtasim ‘spiun’, ‘spiun’, ‘spiun’. N\u00eb fakt, kjo lloj propagande shkon p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb mafioze, por nuk ka asfare kuptim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet ku presupozohet sundimi i ligjit (qoft\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr at\u00ebher\u00eb, kur sundonte ligji komunist.)<\/p>\n

4.-Ndarja e informacionit \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtje komunikimi. Po ne \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb dit\u00ebn: n\u00eb kafene, n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, n\u00eb pun\u00eb, n\u00eb facebook? Shk\u00ebmbejm\u00eb informacion. Sigurisht \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb informacion q\u00eb kemi zgjedhur vullnetarisht ta ndajm\u00eb. Kurse informacioni sekret, sipas teoricien\u00ebve, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai lloj informacioni q\u00eb tjetri nuk do ta ndaj\u00eb, por q\u00eb ti arrin t\u2019ia vjel\u00ebsh; ose k\u00ebt\u00eb informacion ai do dhe pranon ta ndaj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me ty, por ti e p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb at\u00eb (pa dijenin\u00eb e tij) edhe di\u00e7ka m\u00ebtej. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, do sugjeroja, sikur ish t\u00eb persekutuarit e nd\u00ebrgjegjjes nga regjimi komunist t\u00eb provonin t’i p\u00ebrgjigjeshin pyetjes: a ka faj, p.sh., ish oficeri i sigurimit se perse i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb detyra dhe p\u00ebrse i ka k\u00ebrkuar informacion bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtorit sekret dhe a duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb falje p\u00ebr veprime t\u00eb k\u00ebtij lloji? A ka faj bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtori sekret pse ka zbatuar detyrat duke e siguruar k\u00ebt\u00eb informacion dhe duke ja p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb oficerit, apo duhej t\u00eb “spiunonte” te objekti duke tradh\u00ebtuar oficerin? Un\u00eb mendoj se, n\u00ebse k\u00ebtyre dy pyetjeve do t’u gjendej p\u00ebrgjigje pozitive, at\u00ebhere \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj sikur t\u00eb kritikosh q\u00eb, p\u00ebrse ish Sigurimi i shtetit me rrjetin e vet informativ nuk ka punuar p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmbysjen e regjimit komunist, (mund\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpara se ish t\u00eb persekutuarit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonin n\u00eb burg.) N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, besoj se rezultati do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb gjendje krejt e p\u00ebrmbysur, ku “persekutor\u00ebt” me t\u00eb persekutuarit, do t\u00eb kishin nd\u00ebrruar vendet, por n\u00eb bilancin e p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm asgj\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb kishte ndryshuar dhe ne prap\u00eb, do t\u00eb ishim k\u00ebtu ku jemi sot.<\/p>\n

Ka dhe dy aspekte t\u00eb tjera nga mendoj se mund t\u00eb shikohet ky problem:<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, harrohet atdhedashuria dhe patriotizmi i shumic\u00ebs d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb rrjetit t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb (Ju k\u00ebrkoj ndjes\u00eb ish t\u00eb persekutuarve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjjes p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebndim), sado q\u00eb edhe objekti i pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre \u2013 pra ish t\u00eb persektuarit, t\u00eb themi, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e tyre mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb qen\u00eb ndoshta po aq atdhetar\u00eb dhe patriot\u00eb. Por secila pal\u00eb ka, dhe ka pasur bindjet e veta, q\u00eb nuk ka kuptim t’i gjykojm\u00eb dhe ndajm\u00eb ne, sot pas 25 \u2013 30 a m\u00eb shum\u00eb vjet\u00ebsh. Sepse, at\u00ebher\u00eb ashtu ishin t\u00eb pozicionuar dhe kjo nuk mund t\u00eb ndryshohet sot. N\u00eb terma profesional\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb normale q\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht regjimit, rrjeti i fsheht\u00eb si rregull do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nga lidhjet e objektit. Epo, a nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe a nuk u ka takuar m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ish t\u00eb persekutuarve, t\u00eb falnin? Sigurisht, ata e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe nuk ka pasur as nevoj\u00eb dhe as kuptim q\u00eb ta shprehnin me fjal\u00eb, sepse ata jan\u00eb shprehur me vepra dhe plot fisnik\u00ebri, duke bashk\u00ebjetuar paq\u00ebsisht. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, rindezja e diskutimit p\u00ebr lustracionin me konotacion shqiptar, vet\u00ebm sa acaron. (Konotacioni shqiptar besoj se lidhet vet\u00ebm me nenin p\u00ebr heqjen nga puna, se po hoqe k\u00ebt\u00eb nen, (le t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebra ato t\u00eb tjerat q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon BE), t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb do thon\u00eb: a e di \u00e7ke? M\u00eb mir\u00eb l\u00ebre fare.) Pra ri\u00e7elja e debatit t\u00eb dosjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb e dhimbshme n\u00eb aspektin personal, sepse pasojat dhe vuajtjet e ish t\u00eb persekutuarve nuk mund t\u00eb zhb\u00ebhen. Por pranimi prej tyre se edhe lidhjet e veta (familjare, miq\u00ebsore apo shoq\u00ebrore) t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb rrjetin sekret, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb dhe mbeten po aq atdhetar\u00eb dhe bashk\u00eb-patriot\u00eb sa edhe ata vet\u00eb, megjith\u00eb koston morale a breng\u00ebn n\u00eb zem\u00ebr q\u00eb mund t\u00eb vuajn\u00eb, besoj se m\u00eb shum\u00eb do t’i leht\u00ebsonte se sa do t’i mbingarkonte. Un\u00eb mendoj se kjo do t’i sh\u00ebrbente paq\u00ebtimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, por sidomos edhe paqtimit midis vet\u00eb ish t\u00eb persekutuarve. Por do ringjallnin besim, dhe jo per\u00e7arje. (E th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe: kur kacafytemi midis vedi \u2013 p\u00ebrfitimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i t\u00eb tret\u00ebve.)<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, harrohen d\u00ebmet e pallogaritshme q\u00eb i sjellim dashur – padashur nj\u00ebri-tjetrit, (biznesit privat, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, shtetit) p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb procesi komunikimi (primitiv) q\u00eb ushtrojm\u00eb \u00e7do dit\u00eb, shum\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb me pasoja se sa informacionet q\u00eb p\u00ebrcillen nga rrjeti i fsheht\u00eb. N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, ne i b\u00ebjm\u00eb d\u00ebm vetes, sepse shum\u00eb informacione q\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb i ndajm\u00eb me mendjeleht\u00ebsi, si t\u00eb pad\u00ebmshme sot (madje ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe si t\u00eb dobishme), ato mund t\u00eb kthehen n\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme nes\u00ebr. Ose, tek e fundit, informcioni ka vler\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb di kur ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb dhe si ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb. Ti mund t\u00eb dish nj\u00eb sekret t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, por kur nuk e di r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e tij, se p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb lloj vendim-marrjeje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb (qoft\u00eb kjo vendim-marrje jo vet\u00ebm shtet\u00ebrore por edhe individuale, personale ose private \u2013 por ndaj tjetrit), ose kur nuk parashikon q\u00eb ai informacion n\u00eb dukje i parand\u00ebsish\u00ebm mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb te “vendim-marr\u00ebsi” q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, at\u00ebhere t’i e ndan at\u00eb pa t\u00eb keq me mikun, shokun, partnerin, homologun, ambasadorin apo ministrin e huaj, etj., etj. (Biles ti vet\u00eb mund ta harrosh q\u00eb t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen, nd\u00ebrsa ajo “fluturon” p\u00ebr t’u dokumentuar diku.) Dhe aq m\u00eb keq pastaj, kur shpesh her\u00eb njer\u00ebzit p\u00ebrcjellim n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebllimshme informacione p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar t\u00eb tret\u00ebt. Dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb komunikimi shum\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb e kan\u00eb t\u00eb vetin nga m\u00ebngjezi n\u00eb dark\u00eb, ku shumica e tyre, besoj, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb “pa dosje” dje, dhe jan\u00eb “pa dosje” sot. Pra, ne kemi nj\u00eb problem si shoq\u00ebri n\u00eb lidhje me \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e komunikimit. At\u00ebher\u00eb, a ka moral t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkojm\u00eb qoft\u00eb edhe vet\u00ebm moralisht ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb, ose e b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb detyr\u00eb zyrtarisht dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb frekuenc\u00eb kohore shum\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt (dhe n\u00ebn frenim, p\u00ebrzgjedhje a kontroll t\u00eb rrept\u00eb), vet\u00ebm sepse u \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7elur dikur nga nj\u00eb dosje apo kartel\u00eb? Kur t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kan\u00eb marr\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb, apo marrin dhe japin informacion “pa dogan\u00eb”? Un\u00eb mendoj se ky nuk do t\u00eb ishte “lustracion”, por pisll\u00ebk, hipokrizi dhe v\u00ebrtetim i tez\u00ebs p\u00ebr paaft\u00ebsi shtet-formuese, sepse nuk ka shtet n\u00eb bot\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb pa informacion dhe inteligjenc\u00eb. Dhe tani, n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e globalizimit, pa informacion dhe inteligjenc\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mbijetojn\u00eb as kompanit\u00eb serioze t\u00eb biznesit privat. (T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit duhet ta kuptojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb.) Prandaj un\u00eb jam dakord me tez\u00ebn e prof. Shenasi Ram\u00ebs, q\u00eb dosjet t\u00eb hapen vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr politikan\u00ebt, madje pa prekur edhe privat\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit. (Etj., etj, le t\u00eb flasim kur t\u00eb vij\u00eb rasti, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.)<\/p>\n

5.-Tash le ta evoluojm\u00eb m\u00eb tej mendimin, duke supozuar se kapitalist\u00ebt vend\u00ebs do t\u00eb binin dakord me mang\u00ebsit\u00eb e tyre (edhe tonat) n\u00eb sferen e informacionit dhe intelligjenc\u00ebs. At\u00ebhere, “n\u00eb cil\u00ebn Kish\u00eb duhet t\u00eb falen”? Normalisht, n\u00eb “Kish\u00ebn” e shtetit. Mir\u00ebpo vjedhja spektakolare n\u00eb Bank\u00ebn e Shtetit tregoi se edhe shteti ka mang\u00ebsit\u00eb e veta dhe kjo jo aq p\u00ebr faje t\u00eb Sh\u00ebrbimit sekret, sesa t\u00eb politik\u00ebs q\u00eb ka cenuar, bojkotuar, …ose q\u00eb nuk e ka mb\u00ebshtetur Sh\u00ebrbimin, sa dhe si duhet. Q\u00eb t\u00eb mos e zgjasim k\u00ebtu, niveli i gj\u00ebrave mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb mbrritur n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb ku kapitalist\u00ebt vendas, p\u00ebr momentin, duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontribuar, m\u00eb tep\u00ebr se sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar, derisa gj\u00ebrat t\u00eb vijn\u00eb n\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr. Ky kontribut (n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb financiar) mendoj se duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e qeveris\u00eb dhe parlamentit p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit dhe forcimin e strukturave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb dhe inteligjenc\u00ebs, pa c\u00ebnuar dhe duke ruajtur ballancat me pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb publike.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb urgjente mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtja q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb kapitali vendas p\u00ebr ruajtjen e balancave kritike n\u00eb lidhje me pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb nga shtresat e gjera t\u00eb publikut, q\u00eb rrezikohen seriozisht nga barra e r\u00ebnd\u00eb ekriz\u00ebs. Modeli m\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u ndjekur nga kapitalist\u00ebt tan\u00eb mendoj se do t\u00eb ishte ai francez, ku kapitalist\u00ebt e m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb atij vendi u vet-ofruan, duke propozuar t\u00eb paguanin m\u00eb tep\u00ebr taksa, me q\u00ebllim p\u00ebrballimin e kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb euros n\u00eb vitet efundit. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ky shembull duhet ndjekur nga kapitalist\u00ebt tan\u00eb relativisht t\u00eb rinj, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb origjin\u00ebn dhe koh\u00ebn e shkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj pasurie.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shkrimin e tij prof. Shenasi Rama thekson se “Paria e Tiran\u00ebs ka d\u00ebshtuar me turp t\u00eb pashembullt n\u00eb detyr\u00ebn historike q\u00eb mor\u00ebn p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr n\u00eb vitin 1990 e n\u00eb vazhdim”, duke vler\u00ebsuar se kjo detyr\u00eb ishte vendosja e bazave p\u00ebr nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, t\u00eb sigurt\u00eb, t\u00eb begat\u00eb dhe me ekuilibra shoq\u00ebrore e politike normale p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e p\u00ebrparuara t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. K\u00ebtu mendoj se mund t\u00eb sakt\u00ebsojm\u00eb, q\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebse kjo detyr\u00eb nuk ishte di\u00e7ka e mbartur apo e trash\u00ebguar nga regjimi i kaluar apo strukturat e tij, (p\u00ebrndryshe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb \u2013 sepse riprivatizimi i pasuris\u00eb publike do duhej t\u00eb vijonte pa shkelur ligjet e koh\u00ebs dhe pa prekur parimet e sistemit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb baraziz\u00eb, kontributit klasor, etj.), mjafton vet\u00eb-marrja e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisur nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb re, drejt nj\u00eb vizioni t\u00eb synuar, p\u00ebr t\u00eb presupozuar se kjo detyr\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e ndryshme nga ajo q\u00eb ka formuluar prof. Shenasi Rama.<\/p>\n

6.-P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia historike p\u00ebr gjendjen e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb ku ndodhemi sot, nuk mund t\u00eb bjer\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se mbi klas\u00ebn e re politike, q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb zhvillimin e vendit gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 24 viteve tranzicion, megjith\u00ebse faktori subjektiv mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e padituris\u00eb dhe maska mbrojt\u00ebse e k\u00ebsaj klase politike. Por kapitalist\u00ebt vendas, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, nuk mund t\u00eb identifikohen me klas\u00ebn politike n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht disa pik\u00eb-prerjeve momentale e sporadike, pasi mendoj se ata jan\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nj\u00eb produkt ose pasoj\u00eb, q\u00eb ka evoluar hap pas hapi, se sa nj\u00eb shkak, q\u00eb ka diktuar rezultatin. E megjithat\u00eb, pasuria dhe kapitali i tyre kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr pak m\u00eb tep\u00ebr legjitimitet, sepse ato nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm mall dhe para, por jan\u00eb edhe frym\u00eb, moral, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie, paqe dhe siguri; n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit ato kan\u00eb evoluar mbi baz\u00ebn e nj\u00eb konteksti t\u00eb caktuar shoq\u00ebror dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, nuk mund t\u00eb shk\u00ebputen leht\u00ebsisht nga ky kontekst.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, situata \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshir\u00eb dhe vet\u00eb prof. Rama (Shenasi) e pranon: “Realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb i zymt\u00eb e jo roz\u00eb, nuk ka para, shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb borxh deri n\u00eb fyt, detyrimet q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr kjo qeveri jan\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrballueshme.” Po at\u00ebhere, n\u00ebse k\u00ebto detyrime jan\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrballeshme, \u00e7far\u00eb mund t’i k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb ‘Rama’, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se ta mb\u00ebshtesim?<\/p>\n

Pra, faktikisht, vendi jon\u00eb sot \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb padeklaruar dhe kapitali vendas ka p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e p\u00ebrballimit dhe zgjidhjes. Me at\u00eb shkall\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsie apo leht\u00ebsie, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb krijuar ky kapital vendas, po me at\u00eb leht\u00ebsi duhet p\u00ebrdorur, deri n\u00eb mas\u00ebn q\u00eb problemet t\u00eb mos shp\u00ebrthejn\u00eb: pjesa q\u00eb mbetet pastaj besoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb kapitali legjitim. Sepse shoq\u00ebria arrin t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb n\u00eb ballanc\u00ebn, ku shtresat e saj\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb sipas fuqis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

7.-Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb perceptimin tim, ose si rezultat i kufizimeve q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kem n\u00eb inputet informative (gjith\u00ebsesi nga burimet e hapura t\u00eb mediave) m\u00eb krijohet p\u00ebrshtypja se, ose kapitalist\u00ebt vend\u00ebs me nj\u00eb far\u00eb mendje-leht\u00ebsie nuk po tregohen shum\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur qeverin\u00eb, ose politika po rrezikon p\u00ebr t’u shkarkuar nga disa barra t\u00eb tep\u00ebrta elektorale, q\u00eb ndoshta nuk ua p\u00ebrmbush dot pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb dhe me nd\u00ebrjegjje mund t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb rrjedhjen e tyre drejt destinacioneve t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

Pak a shum\u00eb di\u00e7ka e till\u00eb konformohet edhe nga prof. Shenasi Rama, kur njer\u00ebn nga alternativat p\u00ebr krijimin e t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs e lidh me p\u00ebrpjekjet e paris\u00eb s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs (duke n\u00ebn-kuptuar m\u00eb tep\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn pran\u00eb koalicionit qeveritar), “p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndar\u00eb ata q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e saj dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur ndasit\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb mbajn\u00eb bashk\u00ebmb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tyre….”, etj. Nd\u00ebrsa alternativ\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb p\u00ebr krijimin e t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs prof. Rama e lidh me p\u00ebrpjekjet e PD-s\u00eb, “q\u00eb me nd\u00ebrgjegjje mb\u00ebshtet k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt t\u00eb pandryshuar t\u00eb paris\u00eb, por q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet q\u00eb t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb rreth vetes t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekurit…, militant\u00ebt politik\u00eb, t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqurit e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb llojeve dhe armiqt\u00eb e pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr…”, etj.<\/p>\n

Druaj se, k\u00ebt\u00eb radh\u00eb. gj\u00ebrat mund t\u00eb mos shkojn\u00eb kaq vaj. Sepse “tufat” elektorale q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrzihen nga nj\u00ebri “stan” drejt “stanit” tjet\u00ebr, a ku t\u00eb duan ato, jan\u00eb pak si tep\u00ebr dhe ca si t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. P\u00ebrve\u00e7, q\u00eb po fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e tyre deri n\u00eb ekstrem dhe mund t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb as d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar te alternativa e dyt\u00eb dhe as nerva p\u00ebr t\u00eb pritur deri sa t\u00eb mbushin alternativ\u00ebn e tret\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr (n\u00eb perceptimin tim) kan\u00eb nj\u00eb doz\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb sensit, se po u b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsi. N\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb mund t\u00eb konfirmohet vler\u00ebsimi i prof. Ram\u00ebs p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimin e klas\u00ebs politike, apo t\u00eb Paris\u00eb s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs, si\u00e7 e quan ai, por mund t\u00eb deligjitimohet n\u00eb pasurin\u00eb e vet edhe vet\u00eb paketa kontrolluese e kapitalist\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb n\u00eb vend. Shum\u00eb mund ta duan k\u00ebt\u00eb rezultat, madje edhe un\u00eb si person mund t\u00eb mos kem ndonj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim imediat; por e menduar m\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe si shqiptar, m\u00eb dhemb, sepse eliminimi i k\u00ebsaj klase kapitalist\u00ebsh rrezikon t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptoj\u00eb kalimin e pasuris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre (q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe pasuri shqiptare) te shum\u00eb-komb\u00ebshet e huaja, \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb na kthej\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve \u2013 t\u00eb huaj n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n

8.-Po kush jan\u00eb k\u00ebto kategori sociale q\u00eb rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren si valvula shkarkimi t\u00eb elektoratit? Ato mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb disa, por n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb un\u00eb perceptoj dy:<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, kategoria e kreditor\u00ebve “t\u00eb k\u00ebqinj”. Nuk jan\u00eb edhe aq pak, por po “kullufiten” ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7, dhe nj\u00eb nga nj\u00eb, nga “ushtrit\u00eb e panum\u00ebrta” private t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbarimit. K\u00ebta kreditor\u00eb t\u00eb “k\u00ebqinj”, nuk ishin edhe aq t\u00eb k\u00ebqinj kur u josh\u00ebn drejt marrjes s\u00eb kredive n\u00eb fillim, sidomos nga 2005 e k\u00ebtej. Shembja e Piramidave t\u00eb 1997 sh\u00ebrbeu si nj\u00eb baz\u00eb e mir\u00eb mega-mashtrimi, mbi truallin e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb lul\u00ebzonin m\u00eb pas Bankat, me interesa t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb larta, sa mund t\u00eb quhen pa frik\u00eb si piramidat num\u00ebr dy. K\u00ebtu po ndal, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e zgjatur m\u00eb tej, sepse shkeljet e t\u00eb drejtave dhe lirive themelore t\u00eb njeriut ndaj kreditor\u00ebve “t\u00eb k\u00ebqinj” jan\u00eb ul\u00ebrit\u00ebse \u2013 por nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb dhe dy, q\u00eb t\u00eb quhen tragjedi, ndaj mbeten thjesht\u00eb statistik\u00eb. Minimalja, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nga qeveria dhe kuvendi, mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezimi i disa amendimeve ligjore n\u00eb 2008, 2009 dhe dhe 2013, q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Bankave dhe n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb klient\u00ebve. (Ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit kan\u00eb shitur votuesit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur Bankat. Shih gazeta Dita, dt. 23 mars 2014, ose:http:\/\/gazetadita.al\/udhezimi-ja-kur-do-te-fshihen-kredite-me-probleme-nga-bilanci-per-tatimet\/) Gjithashtu, gjat\u00eb nxjerrjeve n\u00eb ankand duhet respektuar nj\u00eb lloj koeficenti mes sekuestrove t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe t\u00eb vogla. Sepse kreditor\u00ebt e m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb k\u00ebqinj kan\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr mund\u00ebsi (korruptive, ndoshta) q\u00eb ankandi i pronave t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb zvarriset p\u00ebr n\u00eb fund, duke eliminuar fillimisht pronat e vogla. Nga kjo zvarrisje, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pron\u00eb t\u00eb madhe mund t\u00eb sakrifikohen disa ose dhjetra prona t\u00eb vogla, me gjith\u00eb elektoratin q\u00eb i pason.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, kategoria e debitor\u00ebve t\u00eb energjis\u00eb elekrike. N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb, k\u00ebta duken si m\u00eb fajtor\u00ebt. Por e v\u00ebrteta mendoj se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb tamam k\u00ebshtu, sepse ky num\u00ebr ka ardhur duke u shtuar pak e nga pak q\u00eb nga viti 1991. Shtimi gradual i numrit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre personave, nuk ka qen\u00eb thjesht d\u00ebshira e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos paguar energjin\u00eb elektrike, por p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ka qen\u00eb edhe protesta e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos paguar nj\u00eb \u00e7mim m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb kan\u00eb paguar edhe p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb nuk paguanin. Pastaj u jan\u00eb shtuar k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit, duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe vet\u00eb fajtor\u00eb. Pa folur p\u00ebr vjedhjet dhe diferencat mes mat\u00ebsave t\u00eb personave q\u00eb kan\u00eb rezistuar duke paguar deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb kohe, deri sa jan\u00eb thyer, …etj. etj. Ose vjedhje te tjera t\u00eb hapura por pa ndonj\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb dokumentuar \u2013 pra q\u00eb nuk figurojn\u00eb fare si debitor\u00eb. (Natyrisht, k\u00ebta jan\u00eb m\u00eb “t\u00eb ndershmit”, se jan\u00eb n\u00eb rregull me detyrimet.)<\/p>\n

Po m\u00eb kryesorja, kjo kategori ka nj\u00eb shtrirje me theks t\u00eb qart\u00eb gjeografik, q\u00eb mund t’i b\u00ebj\u00eb rajonet kompakte n\u00eb marrjen e vendimeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, ose t’i p\u00ebrplasi ato me nj\u00ebra \u2013 tjetr\u00ebn. P\u00ebr sh\u00ebmbull, me sa kujtoj sipas nj\u00eb harte t\u00eb vitit 2012, numri i debitor\u00ebve n\u00eb zonat veriore v\u00ebrtitej diku te rreth 80-90 %. Te zona e Tiran\u00ebs, sidomos e p\u00ebriferis\u00eb s\u00eb saj – diku te rreth 40-60 %, dhe n\u00eb zonat jugore diku te 20-30 %. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e debitor\u00ebve ka pasur edhe nd\u00ebrmarrje shtet\u00ebrore dhe ente publike q\u00eb figuronin si debitor\u00eb n\u00eb shuma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, por pagesat e tyre jan\u00eb rimbursuar nga qeveria e re. (Kjo le nj\u00eb shije t\u00eb hidhur te debitor\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb familjar\u00eb, se v\u00ebrtet\u00eb rimbursimi \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet me shtet, por njer\u00ebzit e kuptojn\u00eb se ato jan\u00eb borxhe, q\u00eb prap\u00eb do shlyhen nga taksat q\u00eb do t’u mbahen. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, privati ndihet i diskriminuar n\u00eb raport me shtetin.)<\/p>\n

Pra zgjidhja e problemeve p\u00ebr k\u00ebto dy kategori sociale ka nj\u00eb kosto financare, q\u00eb un\u00eb mendoj se duhet p\u00ebrballuar nga shteti. Kaptitali v\u00ebndas \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar ta mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb qeverin\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, jo p\u00ebr arsye elektorale, (se ka edhe forma t\u00eb tjera p\u00ebr t’u distancuar “me lezet”nga elektorati i “panevojsh\u00ebm”, q\u00eb nuk mbulohet nga programi), por thjesht p\u00ebr t\u00eb ulur nivelin e padrejt\u00ebsive ndaj shtetasve dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbutur mas\u00ebn e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb. Un\u00eb mendojse edhe vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr kaq, do t’ia vlente!<\/p>\n

Sigurisht, nuk p\u00ebrjashtohet as mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb pajtohen me realitetin edhe k\u00ebt\u00eb radh\u00eb, duke pritur t\u00eb votojn\u00eb me qet\u00ebsi ndonj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme t\u00eb radh\u00ebs, por duhet mbajtur mend se ky do t\u00eb ishte rasti m\u00eb i mir\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, un\u00eb nuk besoj se kjo alternativ\u00eb e tret\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb me patjet\u00ebr nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb e djatht\u00eb. Ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, nuk m\u00eb duket bind\u00ebse q\u00eb alternativa e shtet-kombit apo e komb\u00ebtarizmit shqiptar, sipas cil\u00ebsimit t\u00eb prof. Shenasi Ram\u00ebs, t\u00eb jet\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb domen apo preferenc\u00eb e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. Por edhe n\u00ebse rezulton k\u00ebshtu nga teorit\u00eb apo librat e ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb historis\u00eb, n\u00eb kontekstin shqiptar, k\u00ebt\u00eb alternativ\u00eb nuk mund ta ler\u00eb pa e rr\u00ebmbyer edhe e majta, ose nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i t\u00ebr\u00eb fraksionesh nga e majta. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, un\u00eb do sugjeroja q\u00eb kjo alternativ\u00eb ideologjike mund t\u00eb trajtohet si neutrale e gjith\u00eb-p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, por zbatimi i saj n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb pragmatike her\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb prioritet i majt\u00eb dhe her\u00eb tjet\u00ebr nj\u00eb prioritet i djatht\u00eb, ose anasjelltas. Megjithat\u00eb, nuk pretendoj t\u00eb jem shum\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sugjerim, pasi nuk e kam pasur objekt studimi deri tash.<\/p>\n

Duke p\u00ebrfunduar, nga t\u00ebr\u00ebsia e intervist\u00ebs do ve\u00e7oja duke nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb krye pjes\u00ebn ku prof. Shenasi Rama shpalos vizionin e tij p\u00ebr ideologjin\u00eb dhe parimet komb\u00ebtariste, ku rendit shum\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe me eleganc\u00eb 10 parimet udh\u00eb-rr\u00ebfyese p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie moderne, me t\u00eb cilat Ai do mund t\u00eb nderonte \u00e7do qeveri.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

BUJAR ABEDINAJ K\u00ebt\u00eb reflektim po e nis nga premisa e par\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb cilit shpresa e prof. Shenasi Ram\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e shqiptar\u00ebve fillon dhe mb\u00ebshtetet pik\u00ebrisht te egzistenca e shtetit ton\u00eb, megjith\u00eb dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e konstatueshme. At\u00ebher\u00eb, si nj\u00eb punonj\u00ebs \u00e7far\u00ebdo i shtetit, mendoj se m\u00eb takon t\u00eb kontribuoj me sa dhe si mund, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nNdryshimet n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhen - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/ndryshimet-ne-kushtetute-duhet-te-behen\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ndryshimet n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhen - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"BUJAR ABEDINAJ K\u00ebt\u00eb reflektim po e nis nga premisa e par\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb cilit shpresa e prof. 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