![\"Mustafa](\"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/images\/fjala\/mustafa_nano.jpg\")
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Nga MUSTAFA NANO<\/strong><\/p>\n Churchill-i ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u2013 po e perifrazoj n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo dhe aq t\u00eb shkujdesur \u2013 demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e keqe qeveris\u00ebse, por puna \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se format e tjera jo demokratike t\u00eb qeverisjes t\u00eb praktikuara deri m\u00eb sot. Gazetari dhe eseisti amerikan, H. L. Mencken, bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebs i Churchill-it, ka th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb me nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb sp\u00ebrdredhur e m\u00eb sarkastike: \u201cun\u00eb nuk besoj n\u00eb demokraci, por nga ana tjet\u00ebr jam absolutisht i prirur t\u00eb bie dakord se kjo e fundit p\u00ebrb\u00ebn form\u00ebn e vetme zbavit\u00ebse e nazike (really amusing, thosh ai n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e vet) nd\u00ebr format qeveris\u00ebse, q\u00eb njer\u00ebzimi ka njohur deri m\u00eb sot\u201d.<\/p>\n Si\u00e7 shihet, k\u00ebta t\u00eb dy i m\u00ebshojn\u00eb faktit, q\u00eb demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb kararmadhe e m\u00eb e pranueshme p\u00ebr ne njer\u00ebzit, se sa format e tjera t\u00eb qeverisjes. Mir\u00ebpo e v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se t\u00eb thuash vet\u00ebm kaq, thua pak. \u00cbsht\u00eb e provuar n\u00eb praktik\u00eb tanim\u00eb (sidomos pas vdekjes s\u00eb Churchill-it e t\u00eb Mencken-it), q\u00eb demokracia liberale \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi politico-qeveris\u00ebs m\u00eb pun\u00ebmadh e m\u00eb efektiv q\u00eb ka njohur njer\u00ebzimi, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e ka ndalur dot, megjithat\u00eb, diskutimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm mbi efektivitetin e k\u00ebtij sistemi n\u00eb krahasim me sisteme t\u00eb tjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n Ja, kjo gj\u00eb po ndodh sot edhe n\u00eb SHBA, ku z\u00ebra t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm (t\u00eb kuptohemi, nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb main-stream) po ngrihen p\u00ebr t\u00eb theksuar q\u00eb sistemi amerikan i qeverisjes o prej vjet\u00ebrimit, o prej kompleksitetit, o prej korrupsionit, o prej fanatizmit ideologjik t\u00eb pal\u00ebve, po b\u00ebhet i ngath\u00ebt e ngalakaq. Senatori democrat, Evan Bayh, njoftoi k\u00ebto dit\u00eb se do ta dor\u00ebzonte vendin e tij n\u00eb senat n\u00eb shenj\u00eb zem\u00ebrimi ndaj nj\u00eb kongresi t\u00eb bllokuar prej karfosjes politike. Nobelisti Paul Krugman e ka krahasuar Amerik\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre dit\u00ebve me Polonin\u00eb e shekullit t\u00eb XVIII-t\u00eb, n\u00eb parlamentin e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs nuk mund t\u00eb merrej asnj\u00eb vendim pa konsensusin e nj\u00ebz\u00ebsh\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb deputet\u00ebve, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e mbante at\u00eb parlament praktikisht t\u00eb bllokuar (ashtu si procedura e filibuster-it n\u00eb senatin amerikan). E k\u00ebshtu mund t\u00eb vijohet m\u00eb tej me z\u00ebra t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt af\u00ebrmendsh nuk v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim demokracin\u00eb liberale, por form\u00ebn amerikane t\u00eb qeverisjes, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00e9mod\u00e9 e ngalakaqe.<\/p>\n Kjo e b\u00ebnte t\u00eb p\u00ebrjavshmen The Economist q\u00eb, e ngacmuar prej pafuqis\u00eb s\u00eb kongresit p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar s\u00eb pari reform\u00ebn sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore, s\u00eb dyti ligjin p\u00ebr reduktimin e prodhimit t\u00eb dyoksidit t\u00eb karbonit, s\u00eb treti p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord mbi uljen e deficitit publik, etj, etj, t\u00eb hapej qysh n\u00eb kopertin\u00eb me titullin \u201cWhat\u2019s wrong in Washington?\u201d, e t\u00eb sillte n\u00eb editorialin e saj z\u00ebra t\u00eb paidentifikuar sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsish amerikan\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb cil\u00ebve, sistemi kinez i qeverisjes \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb konkret e m\u00eb efektiv n\u00eb procesin e vendimmarrjes.<\/p>\n E thash\u00eb dhe m\u00eb sip\u00ebr, jan\u00eb disa z\u00ebra, dhe kaq. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, nuk jan\u00eb z\u00ebra q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim demokracin\u00eb liberale; thjesht, e kan\u00eb me sistemin amerikan t\u00eb qeverisjes. M\u00eb tej, kur vjen te sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsit, nuk kemi pse t\u00eb \u00e7uditemi kur k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit i gjejm\u00eb t\u00eb prirur t\u00eb shenjt\u00ebrojn\u00eb e sublimojn\u00eb procedurat e zhd\u00ebrvjell\u00ebta t\u00eb vendimmarrjes (jo m\u00eb kot jan\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebs). M\u00eb tej akoma, edhe sikur regjimeve autokratike t\u2019u njohim qasjen e vrullshme e energjike n\u00eb procesin e vendimmarrjes, atyre po nj\u00ebsoj do duhej t\u2019u jepnim munx\u00ebt p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb njohura. Por kuptohet (m\u00eb n\u00eb fund e pavar\u00ebsisht t\u00eb gjithave), se teza e mplakjes s\u00eb sistemit amerikan t\u00eb qeverisjes nuk ka lidhje praktikisht me realitetin, gj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebnvizohej fort edhe prej revist\u00ebs The Economist, ku jepej mesazhi, se \u201cpo, \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi e koha t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb diskutim procedura t\u00eb vjet\u00ebruara kushtetuese e jo kushtetuese, t\u00eb cilat b\u00ebhen shkak p\u00ebr paralizimin e p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendimmarrjes, por sistemi n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb vital\u201d.<\/p>\n K\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim nuk e luan as topi, e n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, debati n\u00eb fjal\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur eficienc\u00ebn e sistemit amerikan e p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrt\u00ebrir\u00eb fragmente e hallka t\u00eb ndryshkura t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi. P\u00ebr fat, demokracit\u00eb liberale, jo vet\u00ebm e lejojn\u00eb \u00e7do diskutim publik q\u00eb i v\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim deri dhe vet\u00eb ato, por edhe jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb hapura e m\u00eb t\u00eb gatshme p\u00ebr t\u2019u vetkorrektuar.<\/p>\n * * * * *<\/p>\n Duke u mbajtur tek e nj\u00ebjta tem\u00eb, le t\u00eb zhvendosemi pak\u00ebz n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri (ky ishte dhe \u2018destinacioni\u2019 im qysh n\u00eb krye t\u00eb her\u00ebs), ku ngjan se diskutimi mbi efektivitetin e sistemit duhet t\u00eb ec\u00eb n\u00eb binar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Pse? Sepse k\u00ebtejpari duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb pari nj\u00eb diskutim mbi sistemin vet\u00eb. Ne jemi duke jetuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7udnuar qeverisjeje. Ne nuk jemi ende as n\u00eb nivelin e vendeve t\u00eb demokracive iliberale, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat flet me p\u00ebrbuzje Fareed Zakaria (jan\u00eb vende, ku b\u00ebhen zgjedhje normale, por ku nuk ka jet\u00eb institucionale dhe shtet ligjor). Tek ne pra nuk b\u00ebhen zgjedhje.<\/p>\n Sistemi politiko-qeveris\u00ebs q\u00eb funksionon (ka nj\u00eb sistem, megjithat\u00eb) \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzjerje e regjimit anarkik me regjimin autokratik. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb e n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb kuptimi, k\u00ebtejpari secili \u00ebsht\u00eb i lejuar t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb \u00e7\u2019t\u2019i teket, por me kusht q\u00eb t\u00eb mos krruhet me sundimtarin, i cili sundon si t\u2019ia ket\u00eb \u00ebnda. Tek ne opozita ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb egzistoj\u00eb e t\u00eb konkuroj\u00eb, por nuk ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb zgjedhjet. Dhe k\u00ebshtu, vjen puna q\u00eb ajo i jep vetes nj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, ushtrimi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs e bllokon fare sistemin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb: ajo ka bojkotuar parlamentin. Parlamenti mund t\u00eb zhbllokohej nga maxhoranca, duke e plot\u00ebsuar k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr rinumurimin e votave. Dhe duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interesin e maxhoranc\u00ebs ta zhbllokoj\u00eb situat\u00ebn, por ajo nuk e b\u00ebn. P\u00ebrkundrazi, k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul n\u00eb moshapjen e kutive.<\/p>\n Po n\u00eb \u00e7\u2019situat\u00eb do ishim, n\u00ebse zgjedhjet do ishin normale, e n\u00ebse opozita do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb parlament? Do ishim n\u00eb situat\u00ebn e nj\u00eb regjimi t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb iliberale, ku fituesi shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb sundimtar i vendit. N\u00eb vitin 2005 Berisha fitoi zgjedhjet, socialist\u00ebt njoh\u00ebn humbjen, e k\u00ebshtu, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb dukje, pat\u00ebm nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb qart\u00eb demokratik. Por kaloi pak koh\u00eb, dhe ne pam\u00eb Berish\u00ebn t\u00eb sillej si sundimtar. Kjo praktikisht e b\u00ebri sistemin t\u00eb hajth\u00ebm e energjik. Vendimmarrja b\u00ebhej me shpejt\u00ebsi rrufeje. Mjaft q\u00eb Be\u00ebrish\u00ebs t\u2019i shkrepte nj\u00eb ide n\u00eb kok\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen ajo ide merrte ose form\u00ebn e dekretit qeveritar, ose form\u00ebn e ligjit (ministrat e deputet\u00ebt i n\u00ebnshtroheshin tak-fak), ose form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb urdh\u00ebri jo ligjor, q\u00eb zbatohej aty p\u00ebr aty. Ai arriti deri atje, sa procedurat ligjore e burokratike t\u00eb nj\u00eb investimi mbi nj\u00eb miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb (p\u00ebr rrug\u00ebn Durr\u00ebs-Kuk\u00ebs) t\u2019i kondensonte n\u00eb koh\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillje t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb numri ligjesh e rregullash. H\u00eb, m\u00eb thoni, a ka sistem qeveris\u00ebs m\u00eb eficient e m\u00eb t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb se sa ky? Nuk ka. Edhe sistemi kinez, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i centralizuar se sa ky i Berish\u00ebs, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kaq i shpejt\u00eb.<\/p>\n \u00cbsht\u00eb gj\u00eb e mir\u00eb? Edhe mundet n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb rast, por me nj\u00eb kusht, am\u00e1: ai q\u00eb merr vendimin nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb i shkar\u00eb nga trut\u00eb (ky i yni \u00ebsht\u00eb i shkar\u00eb, e p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk besoj se ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr prova). \u00c7far\u00eb? N\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb tjera do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e mir\u00eb? Jo, absolutisht jo. Thash\u00eb pak m\u00eb sip\u00ebr \u201cn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb rast\u201d, pasi p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht nuk ka asnj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Sundimi autokratik bart nj\u00eb kosto shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, q\u00eb e kap\u00ebrcen duksh\u00ebm dobin\u00eb e vendimmarrjes s\u00eb shpejt\u00eb e t\u00eb zhd\u00ebrvjellt\u00eb, q\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti sundim mund t\u00eb na ofroj\u00eb. Kostoja \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo Shqip\u00ebri q\u00eb po jetojm\u00eb, e bllokuar n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje institucionale, konfliktuale n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje politike, n\u00eb vend numuro n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje ekonomike, e fragmentuar n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje sociale, e shpifur n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje urbane e urbanistike, belbacuke n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje kulturore, etj, etj.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrfundimi? Ne kemi nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb mbi efektivitetin e sistemit qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst demokratik, por n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb duhet ta nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem. Aktualisht nuk e kemi.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nga MUSTAFA NANO Churchill-i ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u2013 po e perifrazoj n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo dhe aq t\u00eb shkujdesur \u2013 demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e keqe qeveris\u00ebse, por puna \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se format e tjera jo demokratike t\u00eb qeverisjes t\u00eb praktikuara deri m\u00eb sot. Gazetari dhe eseisti amerikan, H. L. Mencken, bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebs […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-1669","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\n