{"id":1634,"date":"2010-02-21T23:41:39","date_gmt":"2010-02-21T22:41:39","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=1634"},"modified":"2010-02-21T23:41:39","modified_gmt":"2010-02-21T22:41:39","slug":"neo-otomanizmi-dhe-shqiperia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/neo-otomanizmi-dhe-shqiperia\/","title":{"rendered":"Neo-otomanizmi dhe Shqip\u00ebria"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Piro Misha<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gjasht\u00eb jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, revista MAPO vendosi t\u00eb botoj\u00eb n\u00eb shqip fjalimin e ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm turk Ahmet Davutoglu, me titullin \u201cNj\u00eb Ballkan otoman n\u00eb shekullin e 21\u201d, mbajtur n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb vitit 2010. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fjalim me sens t\u00eb theksuar sfidues ndaj asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sot imagjinata e p\u00ebrgjithshme e ballkanasve p\u00ebr Lindjen dhe Per\u00ebndimin, t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e rajonit dhe p\u00ebr thelbin e zhvillimeve brenda dhe rreth gadishullit ton\u00eb, gjendej teza se p\u00ebr Ballkanin e shkuara osmane nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb penges\u00eb dhe pesh\u00eb historike, por nj\u00eb vler\u00eb q\u00eb duhet rigjall\u00ebruar. Kjo qasje n\u00eb esenc\u00eb provokative dhe e pazakont\u00eb, ka shtyr\u00eb studuesin dhe botuesin e njohur Piro Misha, q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatis\u00eb p\u00ebr revist\u00ebn ton\u00eb nj\u00eb artikull mjaft interesant, lidhur me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij pretendimi, i cili nuk mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebnohet thjesht dhe vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb politike mes Turqis\u00eb dhe Bashkimit Europian n\u00eb rrafshin e hyrjes ose t\u00eb saj n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn e Bashkuar. Piro Misha na shpjegon se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji mjaft m\u00eb e thell\u00eb dhe me shum\u00eb an\u00eb q\u00eb duhen studiuar, sqaruar dhe par\u00eb larg entusizamit t\u00eb leht\u00eb dhe emocioneve shpesh sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore.<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit q\u00eb shkoi, me rastin e ceremonis\u00eb s\u00eb hapjes s\u00eb konferenc\u00ebs \u201cTrash\u00ebgimia osmane dhe bashk\u00ebsit\u00eb muslimane n\u00eb Ballkan sot\u2019, ministri i jasht\u00ebm turk, Ahmet Davutoglu, mbajti n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim q\u00eb ngjalli jo pak debate. Debatet k\u00ebsaj here s\u2019kishin t\u00eb b\u00ebnin me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb nxehta t\u00eb politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si\u00e7 jan\u00eb lufta n\u00eb Irak, q\u00ebndrimi ndaj Iranit, Siris\u00eb, Hamasit apo dhe Sudanit, ku tashm\u00eb pozicionet e Ankaras\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb duksh\u00ebm nga ato t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. Ato k\u00ebsaj here kishin t\u00eb b\u00ebnin me at\u00eb q\u00eb mjaft analist\u00eb e kan\u00eb quajtur frym\u00ebzimi \u2018neo-otoman\u2019 apo neo-imperial (sipas revist\u00ebs s\u00eb njohur amerikane \u2018Forbes\u2019) i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme turke. Sepse p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb ministri i jasht\u00ebm turk konfirmoi dyshimin q\u00eb, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, kish koh\u00eb q\u00eb qarkullonte, se ambicja e Turqis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb fuqi globale n\u00ebnkupton krijimin e nj\u00eb zone t\u00eb ndikimit (apo t\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb) turk, e cila nis n\u00eb Afganistanin e larg\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfundon n\u00eb brigjet e Adriatikut. Pra, pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb territoret ku dikur sundonin osman\u00ebt. <\/p>\n

Duke q\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb, kuptohet q\u00eb n\u00eb q\u00ebnd\u00ebr t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm turk ishte para s\u00eb gjithash Ballkan. Ftesa q\u00eb Davutoglu i d\u00ebrgoi qw aty rajonit ishte krejt e qart\u00eb: Ballkani, sipas tij, sot s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb periferi e shp\u00ebrfillur e Europ\u00ebs, viktim\u00eb e konkurenc\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb i ka t\u00eb gjitha mund\u00ebsit\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb q\u00ebnd\u00ebr e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e politik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore, n\u00ebse vendos t\u00eb kthehet s\u00ebrish n\u00eb rolin e vet t\u00eb natyrsh\u00ebm si nj\u00eb q\u00ebnd\u00ebr strategjike e Afro-Euro-Azis\u00eb, si\u00e7 paskesh q\u00ebn\u00eb gjat\u00eb shekujve t\u00eb sundimit osman q\u00eb, gjithnj\u00eb sipas Davutoglus\u00eb, p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb \u2018epok\u00ebn e art\u00eb t\u00eb Ballkanit.\u2019 Pra, sipas Davutoglus\u00eb, e ardhmja e rajonit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn e tij. “The Ottoman era in the Balkans is a success story. Now it needs to come back\u2026Now is the time for reunification.\u201d kumtoi ai.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht q\u00eb do ishte e udh\u00ebs t\u00eb diskutonim gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr variantin Davutoglu t\u00eb historis\u00eb, por le t\u00eb mjaftohemi duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se, s\u00eb paku nd\u00ebr qarqet akademike t\u00eb rajonit, zor se mund t\u00eb gjesh ndok\u00ebnd q\u00eb t\u00eb ndaj\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin mendim me t\u00eb. Por, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se fjala e ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm turk n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb s\u2019kish t\u00eb b\u00ebnte thjesht me Ballkanin. Sepse, n\u00eb fakt, rajoni yn\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e vog\u00ebl e strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb re gjeopolitike turke. Ambicja turke \u00ebsht\u00eb e madhe: \u2018Jan\u00eb 23 vende, – shpalli Davutoglu, – q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit tan\u00eb dhe presin di\u00e7ka prej nesh. . .. N\u00eb syt\u00eb e tyre, Turqia \u00ebsht\u00eb qendra. \u2026E th\u00ebn\u00eb shkurt, historia jon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta, fati yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti dhe e ardhmja jon\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta. Ashtu si n\u00eb shekullin XVI, ku ndodhi ngritja e Ballkanit Otoman n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore, ne do ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb Ballkanin, Kaukazin dhe Lindjen e Mesme, bashk\u00eb me Turqin\u00eb, qendr\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb objektivi i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme turke dhe ne do ta realizojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Ne do t\u00eb riintegrojm\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit, Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme dhe Kaukazit \u2026\u201d. <\/p>\n

Teksa lexon fjal\u00ebn e Davutoglus\u00eb n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb t\u00eb bie n\u00eb sy dhe nj\u00eb fakt tjet\u00ebr. N\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimi Europian s\u2019p\u00ebrmendet as edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb t\u00eb vetme, ndon\u00ebse b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rajon q\u00eb thuajse n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb apo aspiron t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb. Arsyen e k\u00ebsaj heshtjeje s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb ta marr\u00ebsh me mend: N\u00eb vizionin e ri gjeopolitik turk prania e shtuar europiane n\u00eb Ballkan p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb konkurenc\u00eb t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruar. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb Davutoglu e l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb editorial q\u00eb ka shkruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshmen e Beogradit, \u2018Politika\u2019, t\u00eb titulluar \u2018Turqia dhe Serbia, dy vendet ky\u00e7 t\u00eb Ballkanit\u201d, ku ankohej se, si rezultat i zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb rajon, dinamika e politik\u00ebs turke n\u00eb Ballkan gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit qe ngadal\u00ebsuar. <\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin shkrim m\u00eb t\u00ebrhoqi v\u00ebm\u00ebndjen dhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pasazh. \u201cEdhe sot, – shkruante Davutoglu, – kultura e Ballkanit p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb element t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs turke n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb atyre miliona turqve q\u00eb emigruan q\u00eb aty, kur Perandoria osmane nisi gradualisht t\u00ebrheqjen nga Ballkani.\u201d <\/p>\n

P\u00ebrse e ka fjal\u00ebn? P\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb njeh historin\u00eb e Ballkanit s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb fakt i panjohur se bashk\u00eb me ushtrit\u00eb dhe administrat\u00ebn osmane, q\u00eb aty u larguan apo u d\u00ebbuan dhe mjaft turq etnik\u00eb. Por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht di dhe se s\u2019b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb kurrsesi p\u00ebr miliona. Ata mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen miliona vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse konsiderohen turq dhe ata dhjetra e qindra mij\u00ebra shqiptar\u00eb (boshnjak\u00eb etj) q\u00eb u d\u00ebbuan nga trojet e veta n\u00eb Greqi e Jugosllavi. Dhe \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, asokohe ata v\u00ebrtet u konsideruan t\u00eb till\u00eb dhe jo vet\u00ebm nga grek\u00ebt e serb\u00ebt, por s\u00eb pari nga vet\u00eb qeveria turke. S\u2019duhet harruar se deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb tyre, osman\u00ebt s\u2019pranuan se ekzistonte nj\u00eb komb shqiptar, duke k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur se shqiptar\u00ebt e besimit musliman ishin thjesht turq, nd\u00ebrsa ata ortodoks\u00eb grek\u00eb. Shqiptar\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb vetmit n\u00eb Ballkan t\u00eb cil\u00ebve s\u2019iu lejua t\u00eb p\u00ebrdornin gjuh\u00ebn e tyre amtare, as at\u00ebhere kur kjo e drejt\u00eb iu dha gjith\u00eb popujve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Dhe se \u00e7\u2019pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda solli nj\u00eb politike e till\u00eb (n\u00eb akord t\u00eb plot\u00eb me nacionalist\u00ebt fqinj\u00eb) tashm\u00eb dihet. Si\u00e7 dihet dhe se ky q\u00ebndrim turk n\u00eb thelb s\u2019ndryshoi as pas krijimit t\u00eb republik\u00ebs turke, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e d\u00ebshmon dhe traktati greko-turk i Lozan\u00ebs i vitit 1923, p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbimin e popull\u00ebsis\u00eb, nj\u00eb nen i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb i t\u00eb cilit i konsideronte turq gjith\u00eb musliman\u00ebt q\u00eb banonin n\u00eb Greqi, duke ligj\u00ebruar k\u00ebsisoj d\u00ebbimin e par\u00eb masiv t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb \u00e7ame. <\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb ngjashme q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyen p\u00ebr t\u00eb ligj\u00ebruar d\u00ebbimin e shqiptar\u00ebve nga trojet e tyre, Turqia lidhi dhe me Jugosllavin\u00eb, madje deri von\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e Titos. N\u00eb ndonj\u00eb rast ajo i p\u00ebrdori k\u00ebto marr\u00ebveshje dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb tjera, si\u00e7 qe z\u00ebv\u00ebnd\u00ebsimi i gjuh\u00ebs shqipe me turqishten n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Po ashtu, s\u2019duhet harruar se qindra mij\u00ebra muhaxhir\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb apo boshnjak\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019dinin asnj\u00eb fjal\u00eb turqisht, me t\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb Turqi i n\u00ebnshtroheshin nj\u00eb politike intensive asimilimi, n\u00eb zbatim t\u00eb nj\u00eb prej parimeve baz\u00eb mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ngrihej (dhe vazhdon t\u00eb ngrihet) shteti turk: n\u00eb Turqi ka vet\u00ebm turq. Por, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb Beograd z.Davutoglu thot\u00eb se jan\u00eb turq, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb a Sarajev\u00eb i quan shqiptar\u00eb e boshnjak\u00eb, sot jan\u00eb njimend qytetar\u00eb turq, t\u00eb cil\u00ebve s\u2019u ka mbetur ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb kujtim i zbeht\u00eb i prejardhjes s\u00eb gjysh\u00ebrve apo st\u00ebrgjysh\u00ebrve t\u00eb tyre, t\u00eb ardhur koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nga Kosova, Maqedonia, Sanxhaku e gjetk\u00eb. <\/p>\n

U zgjata disi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb jo pa arsye. Tashm\u00eb kuptohet se p\u00ebrmendja vend e pavend e t\u00eb ashtuquajturve shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e rastit. N\u00eb fakt n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb, Davutoglu e b\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb se legjitimiteti i pretendimeve gjeopolitike turke ndaj nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb zonash t\u00eb Ballkanit e gjetk\u00eb, mb\u00ebshtetej dhe n\u00eb faktin se aktualisht n\u00eb Turqi banokan m\u00eb shum\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb, bosnjak\u00eb, \u00e7e\u00e7en\u00eb e abkaz\u00eb, sesa n\u00eb vet\u00eb vendet e tyre respektive. Koh\u00ebt e fundit k\u00ebt\u00eb pretendim e gjen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shpesh dhe n\u00eb shtypin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Vetiu kur d\u00ebgjon deklarime t\u00eb tilla, t\u00eb vijn\u00eb n\u00eb maj\u00eb t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs disa pyetje. P.sh: Nga vall\u00eb e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb informacion t\u00eb till\u00eb, pra q\u00eb n\u00eb Turqi q\u00ebnkeshin 5 milion shqiptar\u00eb, kur dihet q\u00eb aty s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb ndonj\u00eb census i k\u00ebsaj natyre?! Po, mir\u00eb, derisa pranohet se paska kaq shum\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb, a kan\u00eb ata vall\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb prej t\u00eb drejtave q\u00eb universalisht u njihen pakicave? <\/p>\n

N\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit q\u00eb shkoi, presidenti turk, Abdullah Gul, e \u00e7oi dhe m\u00eb tej k\u00ebt\u00eb spekullim kur, gjat\u00eb vizit\u00ebs s\u00eb tij zyrtare n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb ceremoni t\u00eb organizuar n\u00eb shkoll\u00ebn turke Turgut Ozal, deklaroi: \u201cMe lejoni t\u00eb them, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne s\u00eb bashku jemi pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb kombi t\u00eb madh.\u201d <\/p>\n

T\u00eb \u00e7\u2019kombi? Sepse, sipas \u00e7do p\u00ebrkufizimi t\u00eb pranuar bot\u00ebrisht t\u00eb konceptit komb (nation), shqiptar\u00eb e turq s\u2019mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti komb, ve\u00e7 n\u00eb rast se konceptin modern t\u00eb kombit e z\u00ebv\u00ebnd\u00ebsojm\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb miletit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb osman\u00ebve, kur banor\u00ebt e Perandoris\u00eb ndaheshin jo n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb etnis\u00eb, por sipas p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb fetare, duke i futur shqiptar\u00ebt e besimit musliman n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin milet me turqit, \u00e7e\u00e7en\u00ebt, arab\u00ebt etj, nd\u00ebrsa ata t\u00eb besimit ortodoks, n\u00eb miletin rom, s\u00eb bashku me grek\u00ebt, serb\u00ebt, bullgar\u00ebt e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. <\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto sa u than\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dhe vet\u00eb fjal\u00ebn e Davutoglus\u00eb, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, do merreshin si nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb pat\u00ebkeq, sikur prej disa vitesh qarqe t\u00eb caktuara turke tw mos punonin n\u00eb terren sipas t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs logjik\u00eb. <\/p>\n

N\u00eb ju kujtohet, i pari shqet\u00ebsimin p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb e ngriti Arb\u00ebr Xhaferi q\u00eb para tre vjet\u00ebsh. N\u00eb shtator 2007, n\u00eb shkrimin \u2018Pasojat e akraball\u00ebkut\u2019, ai t\u00ebrhiqte v\u00ebm\u00ebndjen p\u00ebr faktin se segmente t\u00eb caktuara t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb apo shtetit turk, n\u00ebn petkun e veprimtarive fetare, po organizonin e financonin manifestime, q\u00ebllimi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i t\u00eb cilave dukej se ishte t\u00eb tregonin se shqiptar\u00ebt jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e pashk\u00ebputur e qytet\u00ebrimit osman. Si ilustrim ai p\u00ebrmendte nj\u00eb ngjarje t\u00eb ndodhur n\u00eb Librazhd, \u2018ku autoritetet fetare t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ane, s\u00eb bashku me segmente t\u00eb caktuara turke, organizuan synetimin kolektiv t\u00eb m\u00ebse 200 f\u00ebmij\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, sipas tradit\u00ebs turke. Kamara e Top Channel-it, – vazhdonte Xhaferi, – na ofroi pamje nga kjo ngjarje bizarre ku f\u00ebmij\u00eb t\u00eb veshur me rroba prej sateni t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, me kapu\u00e7\u00eb n\u00eb trajt\u00eb t\u00eb fesit ku shkruhej \u2018Mashallah\u2019, val\u00ebvitnin her\u00eb flamuj t\u00eb shtetit turk dhe her\u00eb ato shqiptar\u00eb\u2026.\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, – vazhdonte ai, – ngjarje t\u00eb tilla politiko-fetare s\u2019jan\u00eb aksidentale\u2026.Koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb muajin e Ramazanit, struktura t\u00eb tilla organizonin iftare kolektive n\u00eb sheshet e qyteteve q\u00eb dikur ishin t\u00eb sunduara nga Perandoria Osmane. K\u00ebto projekte q\u00eb kontrabandohen n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes petkut fetar krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb varg problemesh brenda p\u00ebr brenda komunitetit shqiptar, por dhe n\u00eb raportet shtet\u00ebrore e komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb kontekstin europian.\u201d paralajm\u00ebronte ai, duke shtruar pyetjen: \u201c\u00c7\u2019do ndodhte sikur dhe grek\u00ebt apo serb\u00ebt t\u00eb b\u00ebnin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb. Pra t\u00eb organizonin dhe ata ceremoni t\u00eb tilla p\u00ebr t\u00eb pag\u00ebzuar f\u00ebmijt\u00eb ortodoks\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb duke u v\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb val\u00ebvisnin n\u00eb duar flamuj grek apo serb?\u201d <\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb sillen mjaft shembuj t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm. A ju kujtohen polemikat n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb kur festimi i iftarit n\u00eb q\u00ebnd\u00ebr t\u00eb qytetit u shfryt\u00ebzua p\u00ebr t\u00eb glorifikuar Perandorin\u00eb Osmane? Shum\u00ebkush vjet n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb u habit kur Bashkia e Stambollit e shfryt\u00ebzoi festimin e iftarit p\u00ebr ta mbushur sheshin Sk\u00ebnderbej plot me flamuj turq. Sivjet e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb u p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit n\u00eb Shkod\u00ebr. Dhe, p\u00ebr \u00e7udi, askush s\u2019u kujtua se flamuri turk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht flamuri komb\u00ebtar i nj\u00eb shteti tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb s\u2019ka asnj\u00eb arsye p\u00ebrse t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret n\u00eb nj\u00eb veprimtari me karakter fetar t\u00eb organizuar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. <\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto gjer dje mendoheshin si nisma qarqesh t\u00eb caktuara. Fjala q\u00eb ministri i jasht\u00ebm turk mbajti n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb u jep atyre nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr dometh\u00ebnie. <\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb dallosh se gjith\u00eb ngrehina gjeopolitike e Ahmet Davutoglus\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet kryesisht n\u00eb dy element\u00eb politiko-kulturor: te feja islame dhe tek historia, ose m\u00eb konkretisht, e ashtuquajtura trash\u00ebgimi osmane. T\u00eb dy k\u00ebta element\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar at\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, trash\u00ebgimi osmane- fe Islame- Turqi, q\u00eb do b\u00ebnte t\u00eb mundur suksesin e strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb re turke. Jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebt element\u00eb ku fokusohet veprimtaria e qarqeve q\u00eb p\u00ebrmend Arb\u00ebr Xhaferi. <\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, po ashtu s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb pas fasad\u00ebs fjal\u00ebshum\u00eb t\u00eb disa prej t\u00eb ashtuquajturve debate p\u00ebr historin\u00eb apo identitetin e shqiptarit t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit, t\u00eb dallosh se ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb loj\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e shkuara por e ardhmja jon\u00eb. Duke k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rivler\u00ebsim t\u00ebr\u00ebsor t\u00eb vendit q\u00eb z\u00eb trash\u00ebgimia e periudh\u00ebs osmane dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, komponenti kryesor q\u00eb lidhet me t\u00eb, feja islame, n\u00eb vetidentifikimin kolektiv, n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn dhe, m\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, n\u00eb qenien shqiptar, ajo q\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb arrihet s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb as m\u00eb shum\u00eb e as m\u00eb pak, por nj\u00eb rip\u00ebrkufizim i vetp\u00ebrcaktimin historik t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve dhe rrjedhimisht, i vendit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb bot\u00ebn moderne. Sigurisht, vet\u00eb projekti \u2018Europ\u00eb\u2019, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb popullaritetit t\u00eb madh q\u00eb ka, rall\u00eb her\u00eb ndodh t\u00eb sulmohet ballazi. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm ca grupe krejt t\u00eb margjinalizuara e pa ndonj\u00eb ndikim real n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Por ideja e hedhur her\u00eb pas here p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri as Lindje e as Per\u00ebndim, sipas t\u00eb cil\u00ebs p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb historis\u00eb si dhe t\u00eb besimit t\u00eb supozuar musliman t\u00eb pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, pozicioni yn\u00eb gjeopolitik m\u00eb i natyrsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb ishte ai i nj\u00eb ure lidh\u00ebse, me rolin e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsit t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm mes Azis\u00eb dhe Europ\u00ebs, Lindjes dhe Per\u00ebndimit, t\u00eb djeshmes e s\u00eb ardhmes, s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb larg vizionit t\u00eb Davutolgus\u00eb. Duhet shtuar se ky lloj ligj\u00ebrimi m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti paraqitet n\u00ebn nj\u00eb petk nacionalist, ku nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm e z\u00eb amplifikimi i stereotipave dhe dyshimeve ekzistuese ndaj fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb t\u00eb krishter\u00eb, si armiqt\u00eb tan\u00eb historik\u00eb, nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i t\u00eb cil\u00ebve na paska mbrojtur historikisht pik\u00ebrisht Turqia dhe besimi yn\u00eb musliman. <\/p>\n

\u2018Ka ardhur koha t\u00eb mos injorohet identiteti aktual i shqiptar\u00ebve, – revoltohet shkrimtari dhe ish-politikani kosovar Milazim Krasniqi, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr z\u00ebdh\u00ebsit kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohen sot si neo-otomanist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb, duke u ankuar se: \u2018f\u00ebmij\u00ebt tan\u00eb ende m\u00ebsojn\u00eb se armiqt\u00eb historik\u00eb t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve dalin si aleat\u00eb t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve dhe aleat\u00ebt e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, ende paraqiten si armiq\u2026Krahas identitetit kastriotik, – shton ai,- dhe prodhimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb historin\u00eb dhe kultur\u00ebn komb\u00ebtare, duhet t\u00eb pranohet dhe ajo shtres\u00eb e identitetit kulturor me prejardhje otomane, e cila n\u00eb fakt u b\u00eb tharmi i ideologjis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve.\u2019 <\/p>\n

T\u00eb kuptohemi, kur flas p\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb osmane, s\u2019e kam aspak fjal\u00ebn tek nevoja e nj\u00eb rishqyrtimi kritik e serioz t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj pjese t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb son\u00eb historike, si pjes\u00eb e rileximit t\u00eb mbar\u00eb historis\u00eb, duke iu shmangur skematizimit me frym\u00ebzim romantik nacionalist q\u00eb ka karakterizuar p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht deri m\u00eb sot trajtimin e k\u00ebsaj periudhe. Kjo, sigurisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb, sa m\u00eb shpejt e sa m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb tek p\u00ebrpjekjet q\u00eb po b\u00ebhen p\u00ebr t\u00eb rehabilituar e riaktualizuar trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb (e nostalgjin\u00eb) e Perandoris\u00eb Osmane, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, s\u2019kan\u00eb asnj\u00eb lidhje me interesat akademik\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht se jo rrall\u00eb mundohet t\u00eb paraqitet n\u00ebn nj\u00eb petk t\u00eb till\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb sqarohet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos krijuar ekuivoke, se s\u2019ka asnj\u00eb dyshim se bashk\u00ebjetesa jon\u00eb e gjat\u00eb n\u00eb gjirin e Perandoris\u00eb Otomane ka ndikuar n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fushat e jet\u00ebs son\u00eb, n\u00eb mend\u00ebsit\u00eb, shprehit\u00eb e deri tek m\u00ebnyra e sjelljes dhe e jetes\u00ebs. Trash\u00ebgimia osmane \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse e gjith\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb historike e kulturore t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb Ballkanit t\u00eb sot\u00ebm, pavar\u00ebsisht se ky ndikim diku v\u00ebrehet m\u00eb shum\u00eb e diku m\u00eb pak n\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb faktor\u00ebsh, por para s\u00eb gjithash nga koh\u00ebzgjatja e k\u00ebtij sundimi e koha q\u00eb ka kaluar q\u00eb nga ndarja me Perandorin\u00eb Osmane. Por, s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb ky problemi. Pyetja q\u00eb shtrohet pasi ke lexuar tekstin e Davutoglus\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo: A p\u00ebrb\u00ebn ndikimi i k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb shkuare nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb till\u00eb social e kulturor sa t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb arsye serioze p\u00ebr t\u00eb ripar\u00eb gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrimet q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr veten, apo p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jetojm\u00eb, e p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, dhe vet\u00eb iden\u00eb q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr vendin ton\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb e n\u00eb histori? <\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse trash\u00ebgimia osmane vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb e pranishme, ndikimi i saj ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm bjerrjeje, i cili nis q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nisi t\u00eb merrte fund sundimi osman dhe gjith\u00eb popujt e gadishullit i drejtuan syt\u00eb drejt Europ\u00ebs, duke par\u00eb oksidentalizimin si t\u00eb vetmen mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga prapambetja e thell\u00eb e trash\u00ebguar. Fakti \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb duke nisur nga fundi i shek. XIX e fillimi i atij t\u00eb XX, n\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrprerje drastike t\u00eb ndikimit aktiv t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgimie pothuajse n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha sferat e jet\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u2019ia l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb ndikimesh t\u00eb reja, kryesisht nga Europa, ndikimi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs gjat\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb XX pa asnj\u00eb ngurrim mund t\u00eb thuhet se b\u00ebhet dominues. E gjith\u00eb kjo sa tham\u00eb, vlen padyshim dhe p\u00ebr ne. Madje, dhe p\u00ebr vet\u00eb turqit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, si\u00e7 dihet, e ngrit\u00ebn republik\u00ebn e tyre moderne n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Ataturkut, pik\u00ebrisht duke iu kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb me ashp\u00ebrsi trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb politike, sociale e kulturore t\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb, e cila shihej si nj\u00eb penges\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e zhvillimit dhe europianizimit t\u00eb vendit. <\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb fjala pra, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb proces kompleks, i cili nis me p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr emancipim komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb XIX e p\u00ebrfundon me integrimin e vendeve ballkanike n\u00eb BE e NATO. Dhe k\u00ebtu m\u00eb lejoni t\u00eb shtoj se arsyeja pse p\u00ebr elitat shqiptare europianodash\u00ebse integrimi n\u00eb BE e n\u00eb NATO ka nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb till\u00eb historike, lidhet jo vet\u00ebm me motive q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me zhvillimin ekonomik apo sigurin\u00eb, por edhe sepse ky integrim e b\u00ebn faktikisht t\u00eb pakthyesh\u00ebm udh\u00ebtimin ton\u00eb drejt Europ\u00ebs, duke shmangur k\u00ebsisoj nj\u00ebher\u00eb e mir\u00eb frik\u00ebn e shkarjes s\u00ebrish drejt s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs. Ndaj dhe \u00e7do hap m\u00eb tej n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hap m\u00eb larg ndikimit t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb osmane, nj\u00eblloj si\u00e7 po i largohemi p\u00ebrvit e m\u00eb shum\u00eb ndikimit q\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb ket\u00eb periudha, gjithsesi mjaft m\u00eb e shkurt\u00ebr, e Enver Hoxh\u00ebs. Pik\u00ebrisht vet\u00ebdija se shpejt procesi yn\u00eb i europianizimit do mb\u00ebrrij\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb pakthyeshm\u00ebris\u00eb, shpjegon reagimin e shtuar t\u00eb Milazim\u00ebve me shok\u00eb. <\/p>\n

Dhe le ta mbyllim duke kujtuar at\u00eb q\u00eb shkruan studjuesja Maria Todorova: \u201cTrash\u00ebgimit\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme, – shkruan ajo, – e aq m\u00eb pak par\u00ebsore, \u2026me gjith\u00eb ndikimin e tyre t\u00eb tejzgjatur dhe t\u00eb thell\u00eb, ato jan\u00eb fenomene historike me terminum post quem dhe ante quem t\u00eb tyren. \u00c7do fetishizim i karakteristikave t\u00eb tyre sipas vijash ndar\u00ebse t\u00eb pal\u00ebvizshme e t\u00eb pandryshueshme t\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimeve mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb, natyrisht, objekt propagande ideologjike ose i nj\u00eb praktike t\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqshme t\u00eb shkencave politike, por nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb legjitim si hipotez\u00eb pune p\u00ebr historin\u00eb.\u201d <\/p>\n

* * *<\/p>\n

Sigurisht q\u00eb pasi u than\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto, t\u00eb lind vetiu pyetja: a ka arsye p\u00ebr t\u2019u shqet\u00ebsuar? A ka di\u00e7ka t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb shkruante nj\u00eb lexues n\u00eb rubrik\u00ebn e komenteve q\u00eb shoq\u00ebronin botimin n\u00eb gazet\u00ebn Shekulli t\u00eb shkrimit t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Arb\u00ebr Xhaferit, \u2018Sfida Osmane\u2019, q\u00eb merrej pik\u00ebrisht me fjal\u00ebn e Sarajev\u00ebs t\u00eb Davutoglus\u00eb: \u2018Edhe nj\u00eb here Turqia po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb na ndaj\u00eb nga Europa. K\u00ebsaj here k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb minoj\u00eb gjith\u00eb procesin e integrimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb dhe t\u00eb na kthej\u00eb n\u00eb \u2018vath\u00ebn osmane\u2019 dhe pjes\u00eb t\u00eb planeve t\u00eb saj ndoshta p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u2018betej\u00eb\u2019 tjet\u00ebr me Europ\u00ebn p\u00ebr Ballkanin. Shqiptar\u00ebt e rr\u00ebzuan komunizmin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri europiane dhe jo \u2018osmane\u2019.\u201d <\/p>\n

A ekziston v\u00ebrtet nj\u00eb rrezik i till\u00eb? N\u00eb shikim t\u00eb par\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet jo, p\u00ebrderisa pjesa d\u00ebrrmuese e shqiptar\u00ebve tashm\u00eb e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjedhjen e saj. Ndaj dhe \u00e7do propozim q\u00eb na shmang nga rruga europiane s\u2019do t\u00eb ishte realist dhe as i pranuesh\u00ebm. Natyrisht q\u00eb do duhej q\u00eb lider\u00ebt tan\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u2019ua b\u00ebnin atyre t\u00eb qart\u00eb e pa asnj\u00eb ambiguitet zyrtar\u00ebve turq se Shqip\u00ebria e vler\u00ebson mjaft zhvillimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me nj\u00eb vend mik si Turqia, por se kjo miq\u00ebsi s\u2019mund t\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb teza si ato t\u00eb Davutoglus\u00eb, pra as n\u00eb nostagjin\u00eb osmane e as n\u00eb solidaritetin fetar! Po ashtu, ata duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se k\u00ebsaj miq\u00ebsie tashm\u00eb t\u00eb konsoliduar s\u2019i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb veprimet e disa qarqeve t\u00eb caktuara, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kur dihet se shqiptar\u00ebt jan\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm kur dyshojn\u00eb se dikush p\u00ebrpiqet ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb fen\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime t\u00eb tjera me pasoja p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse. Shpresoj q\u00eb n\u00ebse s\u2019e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb, do ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, m\u00eb lejoni t\u00eb b\u00ebj nj\u00eb parantez\u00eb p\u00ebr shijen jo t\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00eb ndonj\u00eb zyrtar i shtetit shqiptar, kur nxiton t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb ison tezave t\u00eb Davutoglus\u00eb. Nj\u00ebrin syresh duket e kish rr\u00ebmbyer aq shum\u00eb entuziazmi, sa duke shkruar me pseudonim, e quante strategjin\u00eb e re gjeopolitike turke si gjeniale, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00eb arkitektin e saj, z.Davutoglu, nj\u00eb personalitet t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm, i kalibrit t\u00eb nj\u00eb Kisingeri! Natyrisht q\u00eb \u00e7do qytetar i lir\u00eb ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb shprehw mendimin e vet, por kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zyrtar, s\u2019ka si t\u00eb mos shtrohet pyetja: a p\u00ebrputhet kjo me politik\u00ebn zyrtare t\u00eb shtetit apo t\u00eb dikasterit q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson? Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr zyrtar edhe m\u00eb i lart\u00eb n\u00eb rang, doli n\u00eb televizon dhe pas nj\u00eb tirade t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr miq\u00ebsin\u00eb tradicionale shqiptaro-turke, nisi t\u00eb fliste p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndwr mitet e hedhur jo pa sukses vitet e fundit n\u00eb qarkullim, si pjes\u00eb e ofensiv\u00ebs s\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendur propagandistike: p\u00ebr t\u00eb ashtuquajturin rol t\u00eb privilegjuar q\u00eb paskeshin patur shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Perandori. Dhe teksa po e d\u00ebgjoja, padashje m\u00eb erdh\u00ebn nd\u00ebrmend ajo q\u00eb shkruante Faik Konica q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1903, duke iu kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb propagand\u00ebs s\u00eb disa qarqeve turkoshake t\u00eb koh\u00ebs kund\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjes son\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. \u201c\u00c7uditem si u perhap ky gomarll\u00ebk (se shqiptar\u00ebt komandojn\u00eb n\u00eb Perandorin\u00eb Turke), – shkruante ai tek \u2018Albania\u2019- Shqiptar\u00ebt jan\u00eb nj\u00eb e kat\u00ebrmb\u00ebdhjeta pjes\u00eb e Turqis\u00eb (llogariten dy milion). N\u00eb Turqi ka 80 vilajete. Vet\u00ebm Abedin pasha \u00ebsht\u00eb vali shqiptar sot pwr sot. Mutasarif\u00eb nga 250 q\u00eb qeverisin Turqin\u00eb, ka vet\u00ebm 7 shqiptar\u00eb\u2026Gjeneral\u00eb n\u00eb 3-4 qind, jan\u00eb nja dhjet\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb. N\u00eb diplomaci p\u00ebrve\u00e7 nj\u00eb kryeshkronjtor. Gjith\u00eb vendet e mira jan\u00eb p\u00ebr turq, p\u00ebr grek\u00ebr e armen\u00eb\u2026 Mua nuk m\u00eb vjen keq fare, p\u00ebr kundr\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00eblqen t\u2019i d\u00ebboj\u00eb Sulltani t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt pak nga pak\u00eb, se at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb ment\u2026Pse nuk njohin se n\u00eb ka shume shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, jan\u00eb p\u00ebr v\u00ebndet e ulta, zaptien, \u00e7aush\u00eb etj, vende ku s\u2019mundin t\u00eb \u201czot\u00ebrojn\u00eb\u201d nj\u00eb mbret\u00ebri?\u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n

Natyrisht q\u00eb Turqia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vend i madh q\u00eb mund t\u00eb aspiroj\u00eb fare mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi globale, duke nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim dhe nismat e duhura politike, propagandistike etj. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shqiptar\u00ebt i kan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha arsyet ta shohin me simpati rritjen t\u00eb pranis\u00eb politike e ekonomike turke n\u00eb rajon, si dhe n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb ku, si\u00e7 dihet, vitet e fundit vwrehet nj\u00eb rritje e ndjeshme e k\u00ebsaj pranie, sidomos n\u00eb ekonomi. Vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet gjithashtu, rrjeti i gj\u00ebr\u00eb i institucioneve arsimore turke n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, me mbi 7.000 frekuentues (3860 aktualisht dhe 3260 q\u00eb jan\u00eb diplomuar) dhe 612 m\u00ebsues e staf administrativ. Institucionet arsimore turke sot mbulojn\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri thuajse gjith\u00eb ciklin arsimor, q\u00eb nga kopshti deri tek universiteti, duke q\u00ebn\u00eb padyshim dhe nj\u00eb faktor i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i promovimit t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs turke. Nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, kjo shpjegohet dhe me reputacionin e mir\u00eb q\u00eb ato p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht g\u00ebzojn\u00eb, si p\u00ebr cil\u00ebsin\u00eb, ashtu dhe p\u00ebr displin\u00ebn q\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb. Por, k\u00ebtu ka dhe nj\u00eb por\u2026. Q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me trasparenc\u00ebn. Sepse mendoj se do t\u00eb ishte normale q\u00eb opinioni publik shqiptar t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb mir\u00eb i informuar p\u00ebr \u201cL\u00ebvizjen Gulen\u201d, q\u00eb ka n\u00eb pron\u00ebsi k\u00ebto shkolla, \u00e7\u2019p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson ajo, e pse jo, edhe p\u00ebr polemikat q\u00eb ka pasur her\u00eb pas here n\u00eb Turqi p\u00ebr t\u00eb dhe themeluesin e drejtuesin e k\u00ebsaj l\u00ebvizjeje, Fetullah Gulen. Sepse v\u00ebrtet shum\u00ebkush, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Turqi, por dhe n\u00eb bot\u00eb, e vler\u00ebson lart kontributin q\u00eb kjo l\u00ebvizje jep p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar toleranc\u00ebn, dialogun mes feve dhe qytetwrimeve, si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese e nj\u00eb islami t\u00eb moderuar, q\u00eb i kund\u00ebrvihet rrymave radikale. Por, po aq e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb e shohin at\u00eb me dyshim, si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje n\u00eb thelb politike, q\u00eb ka si objektiv t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb elit\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar islamizimin e shtetit e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb turke. Si \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta? K\u00ebt\u00eb un\u00eb s\u2019di ta them. Por n\u00eb Ballkan sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb transparenc\u00eb, s\u2019b\u00ebn asnj\u00ebher\u00eb keq. <\/p>\n

Si p\u00ebrfundim: S\u2019ka dyshim se teza si ato t\u00eb Davutoglus\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb, e cila b\u00ebhet edhe m\u00eb e madhe, n\u00ebse v\u00ebrtet pas tyre q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb shtet i fuqish\u00ebm, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Turqia. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb e cila mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballohet, pa d\u00ebmtuar aspak marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mjaft t\u00eb mira q\u00eb kemi me Turqin\u00eb, p\u00ebrsa koh\u00eb q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit tan\u00eb do ta ken\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet interesi yn\u00eb komb\u00ebtar dhe do t\u00eb jen\u00eb z\u00ebdh\u00ebnws t\u00eb pjes\u00ebs d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb nj\u00eblloj si Kadareje, se \u2018\u2026ky Per\u00ebndim ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb, problematik, arrogant, m\u00eb shum\u00eb mospranues se pranues, ky Per\u00ebndim q\u00eb ashtu si demokracia, ashtu si vet\u00eb liria nuk q\u00ebnkish aq i bukur e as aq i p\u00ebrsosur si\u00e7 e kishim p\u00ebrfytyruar n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e fatkeq\u00ebsis\u00eb son\u00eb, ky Per\u00ebndim mbetet zgjedhja jon\u00eb e vetme.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Piro Misha Gjasht\u00eb jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, revista MAPO vendosi t\u00eb botoj\u00eb n\u00eb shqip fjalimin e ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm turk Ahmet Davutoglu, me titullin \u201cNj\u00eb Ballkan otoman n\u00eb shekullin e 21\u201d, mbajtur n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb vitit 2010. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fjalim me sens t\u00eb theksuar sfidues ndaj asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sot imagjinata […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-1634","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\nNeo-otomanizmi dhe Shqip\u00ebria - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/neo-otomanizmi-dhe-shqiperia\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Neo-otomanizmi dhe Shqip\u00ebria - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Piro Misha Gjasht\u00eb jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, revista MAPO vendosi t\u00eb botoj\u00eb n\u00eb shqip fjalimin e ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm turk Ahmet Davutoglu, me titullin \u201cNj\u00eb Ballkan otoman n\u00eb shekullin e 21\u201d, mbajtur n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb vitit 2010. 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