{"id":13754,"date":"2014-10-02T09:15:30","date_gmt":"2014-10-02T08:15:30","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=1961"},"modified":"2014-10-02T09:15:30","modified_gmt":"2014-10-02T08:15:30","slug":"perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/","title":{"rendered":"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Bujar Abedinaj<\/strong>, Doktorant pran\u00eb Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb FA<\/em>
\nEmail: b_abedinaj@yahoo.com<\/p>\n

Trajtes\u00eb e shkurtuar: Punimi nis nga premisa se zgjidhjet inteligjente jan\u00eb nj\u00eb proces p\u00ebrzgjedhjeje edhe n\u00eb nivelin e teorive. P\u00ebrzgjedhja inteligjente k\u00ebtu nuk iu adresohet teorive t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, duke fetishizuar, ose duke u radikalizuar pas nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs, por element\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb brenda tyre, diku m\u00eb tep\u00ebr dhe diku m\u00eb pak, kaq nga kjo dhe aq nga ajo, ose tani k\u00ebtu dhe me von\u00eb atje. Kjo p\u00ebrzgjedhje \u00ebsht\u00eb puna e elitave q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin vendim-marr\u00ebsit e politik\u00eb-b\u00ebr\u00ebsit, por q\u00eb, m\u00eb par\u00eb, k\u00ebto elita duhet t\u00eb formohen nga Universitetet.<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebsaj teme \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb nj\u00eb teknik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjes inteligjente midis elementeve t\u00eb teorive dhe shkollave t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb fushat e formimit t\u00eb njohurive, t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb, t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb, si dhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e siguris\u00eb. Metoda e p\u00ebrdorur manovron me koncepte t\u00eb gjera nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebrfundimet synojn\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb sa m\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, duke u distancuar nga pretendimi p\u00ebr zbatimin e tyre pa p\u00ebrjashtim, n\u00eb \u00e7do rast konkret.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjen e element\u00ebve midis teorive merret parasysh interesi pragmatik n\u00eb formulimin dhe shfaqjen e njohurive dhe devijimi i t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave konkrete n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb rezultateve t\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebs. K\u00ebtu fokusi kryesor vendoset mbi p\u00ebrzgjedhjen n\u00eb botime dhe konkurrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb universitete, ku p\u00ebrgatiten elitat q\u00eb furnizojn\u00eb stafet teknike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjen e element\u00ebve midis ideologjive udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse zhvillohet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqasje n\u00eb triumfin dhe pozitat e konkurrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb aktuale t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, n\u00eb raport me r\u00ebnien e materializmit dialektik dhe historik dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin n\u00eb vitet e fundit nga ideologjia ruse e \u201cdemokracis\u00eb sovrane\u201d, q\u00eb, gjithashtu, them se nuk duhet neglizhuar.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjen e element\u00ebve midis teorive t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb siguris\u00eb zhvillohet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqasje evoluese n\u00eb diferencat mes Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Torontos (maj 1994) lidhur me mbrojtjen nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhages (nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas) , si p\u00ebrgjigjja evropiane p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u2013 nga pik\u00ebpamja e mbijetes\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore dhe komb\u00ebtare, ku kjo e fundit vler\u00ebsohet si m\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshmja p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe shqiptar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Fjal\u00ebt ky\u00e7e<\/strong>: teori, universitete, ideologji udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse, studimet e siguris\u00eb, konferenca eTorontos, shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs.<\/em><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrzgjedhja e element\u00ebve midis teorive e shkollavet\u00eb ndryshme lidhur me formimin e njohurive<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nuk mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb e rastit, q\u00eb duke respektuar parimin e pluralizmit t\u00eb ideve, rrymave, shkollave a teorive, vendet demokratike nuk preferojn\u00eb t\u00eb pozicionohen zyrtarisht n\u00eb krah t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs teori, (megjith\u00ebse ndonj\u00ebra mund t\u2019u p\u00eblqej\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr.) Kjo ndodh sepse teorit\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtare, (1) por edhe sepse brenda teoris\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb besueshme, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb gjithashtu di\u00e7ka t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, e v\u00ebrteta nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrtej teorive, por diku brenda tyre. Nj\u00eb teori mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb pak e besueshme ose m\u00eb e gabuar sesa tjetra, por jo se n\u00eb t\u00eb nuk ka sadopak t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Dhe e kund\u00ebrta: Nj\u00eb teori mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e besueshme ose me mund\u00ebsi gabimi m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl se tjetra, por kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00ebse edhe brenda saj nuk ka, aty k\u00ebtu, edhe ndonj\u00eb gabim, (ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, mbase edhe mashtrim.)<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vendet demokratike ndodh shpesh q\u00eb teorit\u00eb e ndryshme t\u00eb polarizohen n\u00eb dy an\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta, ose, s\u00eb paku, t\u00eb priren drejt diferencimit. K\u00ebshtu p.sh., \u201cteorit\u00eb sociologjike shpesh karakterizohen sipas theksit q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb fort te agjencia apo te struktura \u2013 dhe rrjedhimisht n\u00eb raport me debatin mbi agjencin\u00eb p\u00ebrkundrejt struktur\u00ebs\u201d, (Marshall, 2009, f. 11-12.) I nj\u00ebjti fenomen mund t\u00eb konstatohet n\u00eb teorit\u00eb filozofike (mes materializmit dhe idealizmit n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, apo mes racionalizmit dhe empirizmit n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, (Marshall, 2009,f. 86-87)), por edhe n\u00eb teorit\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, q\u00eb diferencohen dhe polarizohen n\u00eb debatet mes dy grupimeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha: realist\u00ebve dhe idealist\u00ebve, etj.<\/p>\n

Por p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb faktor\u00ebt dhe rrethanat q\u00eb shoq\u00ebrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb polarizim apo diferencim t\u00eb till\u00eb, po ndalim m\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb rastin e teorive t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb kontekstin e k\u00ebtyre teorive, sipas Dorff (2009), realist\u00ebt nisen nga supozimi se shtetet-kombe jan\u00eb aktor\u00eb racional\u00eb, q\u00eb vendimet e tyre i mb\u00ebshtesin te interesat e kombit, pavar\u00ebsisht se nga kush drejtohen. Nd\u00ebrsa idealist\u00ebt sjellin n\u00eb v\u00ebmendje se shpesh her\u00eb vendimet p\u00ebrcaktohen nga individ\u00ebt, pavar\u00ebsisht nga interesat e v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb kombeve q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb. Realist\u00ebt besojn\u00eb se \u201cshteti-komb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb ka v\u00ebrtet\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi\u201d, nd\u00ebrsa idealist\u00ebt besojn\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr te institucionet mbi-komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Nisur nga ballafaqimi m\u00eb sip\u00ebr mes dy rrymave a shkollave t\u00eb mendimit, un\u00eb mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb besohet se nuk ka edhe realist\u00eb, q\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht mendimit t\u00eb tyre dominues, t\u00eb mos len\u00eb \u201cdisa pik\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr idealist\u00ebt, dhe anasjelltas. Sepse as realist\u00ebt nuk mund ta p\u00ebrjashtojn\u00eb rolin e individit dhe as idealist\u00ebt, nuk mund ta p\u00ebrjashtojn\u00eb rolin e nj\u00eb em\u00ebruesi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt (t\u00eb interesit komb\u00ebtar) nd\u00ebrmjet individ\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Mbi-theksimi ose p\u00ebrforcimi n\u00eb nj\u00ebrin pol ose n\u00eb polin tjet\u00ebr, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb mund t\u00eb synoj\u00eb qart\u00ebsimin e dallimit nd\u00ebrmjet dy shkollave dhe, nga ana tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimi i kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebs nd\u00ebrmjet teorive mund t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb q\u00eb, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet debateve mbi to n\u00eb kontekstin e perspektiv\u00ebs, t\u00eb fshihet mendimi (synimi) i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, q\u00eb ka vler\u00eb p\u00ebr aktualitetin. K\u00ebshtu p.sh., besimi i idealist\u00ebve \u201cm\u00eb tep\u00ebr te institucionet mbi-komb\u00ebtare\u201d nuk b\u00ebn gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se anashkalon p\u00ebrplasjen me besimin e realist\u00ebve te institucionet komb\u00ebtare, kur dihet q\u00eb edhe institucionet mbi-komb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb a tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebrcaktohen nga fuqia dhe kontributi individual i kombeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta.<\/p>\n

Fantazia e teorive dhe teoricien\u00ebve, qofshin k\u00ebta realist\u00eb apo idealist\u00eb, mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb shum\u00eb larg dhe ata mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb hipotetikisht t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, n\u00eb kushte e rrethana teorike, secili sipas m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u00eb. Por \u201ce drejta\u201d e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetohet, sepse n\u00eb loj\u00eb futen analist\u00ebt strategjik\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb politik\u00ebs aktuale\u201d, (2) t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, po t\u00eb shprehemi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb figurative, devijojn\u00eb trajektoren nga drejtimi q\u00eb paracaktohet se ku duhet \u201ct\u00eb arrij\u00eb\u201d, (pavar\u00ebsisht nga parashikimi i teoricien\u00ebve.)P\u00ebrndryshe, sot, n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e informacionit betejat zhvillohen n\u00eb lart\u00ebsi nd\u00ebrsa fati i betejave t\u00eb ardhshme \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u vendosur qysh sot.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, edhe p\u00ebrzgjedhja \u2018nd\u00ebrmjet\u2019 ose \u2018midis\u2019 teorive mund t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqet nga teori dhe pik\u00ebpamje divergjente, p\u00ebr shembull nga racionalizmi apo nga empirizmi, ose nga idealizmi apo nga pragmatizmi, etj. Por nd\u00ebrsa zgjedhja racionale \u00ebsht\u00eb relative n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshmen zgjedhja pragmatike \u00ebsht\u00eb absolute n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Filozofia pragmatike \u201csugjeron nj\u00eb pluralitet t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetash t\u00eb l\u00ebvizshme, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetura te p\u00ebrvoja konkrete dhe te gjuha, ku e v\u00ebrteta \u00e7mohet sipas rrjedhojave ose vler\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit.\u201d (Marshall, 2009, f. 314.) P\u00ebrndryshe, sipas Villiam James, \u201cMetoda pragmatike… \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb interpretuar \u00e7do nocion duke shqyrtuar pasojat praktike p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse: \u00e7far\u00eb dallimi do t\u00eb kishte p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo n\u00ebse ky apo ai nocion \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb?\u201d (Marshall, 2009, f.314.)<\/p>\n

Prej k\u00ebtej mund t\u00eb dalim natyrsh\u00ebm te debati mbi metod\u00ebn q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin teorit\u00eb konspirative n\u00eb nxjerrjen e p\u00ebrfundimeve duke u nisur nga pasojat dhe rezultatet. Kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj metode, q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti presupozohet t\u00eb jen\u00eb studiuesit \u201ce ekuilibruar\u201d dhe \u201cme k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb tok\u00eb\u201d, p\u00ebrdorin si argument faktin, se shpesh her\u00eb pasojat kan\u00eb ardhur ose mund t\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga shkaqe krejt an\u00ebsore ose rast\u00ebsore, t\u00eb forta ose jo, q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb lidhje me parashikimin e rezultateve. Nd\u00ebrsa mbrojt\u00ebsit jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lidhje e konsiderojn\u00eb si logjike, por edhe hipotezat p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen i konsiderojn\u00eb si plane t\u00eb parashikuara q\u00eb jan\u00eb hedhur p\u00ebr zbatim. E par\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb pragmatike: e pse jo?<\/p>\n

Madje, edhe n\u00ebse nuk jan\u00eb parashikuar deri n\u00eb momentin e paraqitjes s\u00eb hipotez\u00ebs, p\u00ebrse t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrqafohet \u201cn\u00eb rrug\u00eb e sip\u00ebr\u201d nj\u00eb linj\u00eb e till\u00eb mendimi, n\u00ebse hipoteza mund t\u00eb gjendet krejt\u00ebsisht e dobishme? (OK, e ke mir\u00eb, jepi, vazhdo!) Kjo logjik\u00eb rrjedh nga pik\u00ebpamja pragmatike, por le t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb se ka edhe shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb vendimet e veta nuk dominohen nga pragmatizmi, por jan\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr relativist\u00eb. K\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit mund t\u00eb gabojn\u00eb r\u00ebndsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb se nuk i kuptojn\u00eb si duhet pragmatist\u00ebt, dhe anasjelltas. (Sepse p\u00eblqimi nga pragmatisti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00eblqim p\u00ebr ty po p\u00ebr t\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00eblqimi nga relativisti shpesh p\u00ebrfshin ose hamend\u00ebson edhe mir\u00ebkuptimin e pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr.)<\/p>\n

Por le t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojm\u00eb te pik\u00ebpamja pragmatike. Me sa duket, k\u00ebsaj pik\u00ebpamjeje i n\u00ebnshtrohet edhe shqyrtimi i atyre pasojave, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb rrjedhin jo vet\u00ebm nga nocionet e ve\u00e7anta, por deri edhe nga teorit\u00eb e ve\u00e7anta. Nga pik\u00ebpamja e analiz\u00ebs strategjike t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, sipas Dorff, \u201c…ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ne duhet t\u00eb njohim, \u00ebsht\u00eb natyra e hamend\u00ebsive q\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb dhe pasojat q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ato n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn lidhur me sjelljen e shtetit\u2013 komb.\u201d Pra duket sikur ka nj\u00eb far\u00eb auto-censure (pragmatike) lidhur me \u201cnatyr\u00ebn e hamend\u00ebsive\u201d q\u00eb b\u00ebhen, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ato t\u00eb mos sjellin pasoja t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruara n\u00eb analizat lidhur mesjelljen e shtetit-komb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu duhet pasur parasysh se \u2018pasojat\u2019 (m\u00eb sakt\u00eb \u2013 \u2018pasojat e pad\u00ebshiruara\u2019), duhen lidhur me interesat e kombit p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin sh\u00ebrben autori i analiz\u00ebs ose studiuesi n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, n\u00eb raport me analizat ose p\u00ebrfundimet q\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxjerrin analist\u00ebt n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb kombeve t\u00eb tjera, (mbi baz\u00ebn edhe t\u00eb hamend\u00ebsive nga ky autor.) Ndaj, jo \u00e7far\u00ebdolloj njohurie mund t\u00eb gjendet n\u00eb \u2018eter\u2019, ose t\u00eb falet apo dhurohet. (Ju lutem Zot\u00ebrinj, mos u g\u00ebnjeni nga \u201cbumi\u201d informativ, sepse, sikurse pohon nj\u00eb autor, sot \u201cbetejat\u201d zhvillohen n\u00eb \u201clart\u00ebsi\u201d (te e ardhmja e imagjinuar), por fati i k\u00ebtyre betejave, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb \u2013 fitorja, \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u vendosur qysh sot. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, \u201clumturia\u201d q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndjejm\u00eb sot, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb shenja e sigurt e humbjes, q\u00eb do mund ta kuptojm\u00eb nes\u00ebr.)<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, krijimi i resurseve, burimeve dhe potencialeve p\u00ebr formimin e k\u00ebtyre njohurive, varet nga politikat dhe vendimet q\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhin udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit (e vendit t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb) n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb k\u00ebtij synimi. Nj\u00eb element baz\u00eb p\u00ebr formimin e k\u00ebtyre njohurive jan\u00eb botimet. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb se vitet e para pas shpalljes s\u00eb pluralizmit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri pati ndihma p\u00ebr nj\u00eb num\u00ebr botimesh n\u00eb kontekstin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb hapur, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhej v\u00ebrejtur se fokusi i k\u00ebtyre botimeve (n\u00eb perceptimin tim) prirej m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nga difuzioni shoq\u00ebror, ndaj shteti mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhynte duke kompensuar edhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e botimeve t\u00eb tjera, q\u00eb do evokonin m\u00eb tep\u00ebr prirjet p\u00ebr kohezion.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nivel superior p\u00ebr formimin e njohurive, p\u00ebrmbi botimet, jan\u00eb Universitetet dhe Akademit\u00eb. Te ne, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ato ende jan\u00eb n\u00eb fillimet e veta dhe akoma nuk jan\u00eb profilizuar sipas rrymave dhe shkollave t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb mendimit, ku drejtuesit ose pedagog\u00ebt e tyre do parap\u00eblqenin t\u00eb pozicionoheshin. Nj\u00eb universitet i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb mund t\u00eb fokusohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb preferenciale rreth nj\u00eb rryme a shkolle t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb mendimi, me nj\u00eb dominanc\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme ndjek\u00ebsish edhe nga radh\u00ebt e student\u00ebve, por duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb hapur dhe inkurajues edhe ndaj mendimit ndryshe brenda \u00e7do universiteti. Nd\u00ebrsa shteti mund dhe duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i inkurajuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb aspektin legjislativ por edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb financiar.<\/p>\n

Pastaj, n\u00ebse shkollat e ndryshme t\u00eb mendimit universitar do t\u00eb diferencoheshin deri n\u00eb pozicione ekstreme, at\u00ebher\u00eb shteti mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb s\u00ebrish p\u00ebr korrigjimet e nevojshme me sens konvergimi, sepse aty formohen kuadrot e ardhsh\u00ebm prej nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit mund t\u00eb zgjedhin stafet e tyre t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, shteti mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb, moralisht dhe financiarisht, tematikat e ve\u00e7anta p\u00ebr diskutime dhe hulumtime t\u00eb pavarura, q\u00eb synojn\u00eb gjetjen e nj\u00eb em\u00ebruesi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt brenda \u00e7do diversiteti. Nd\u00ebrsa student\u00ebt m\u00eb efektiv\u00eb besoj se do t\u00eb gjendeshin n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e atyre, q\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht mendimit t\u00eb vet dominues, din\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb hapur dhe pragmatik\u00eb edhe ndaj pik\u00ebpamjeve t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta me mendimet e tyre.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfitimi nga diskutime dhe hulumtime t\u00eb tilla besoj se do t\u00eb ishte disa-fish, sepse nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb punohet p\u00ebr formimin e burimeve t\u00eb reja njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb pritet t\u00eb pun\u00ebsohen n\u00eb vitet pasuese, por nga ana tjet\u00ebr debatet dhe publikimet nga profesorati dhe studiuesit e ndrysh\u00ebm ndihmojn\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti burimet njer\u00ebzore, q\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb aktualisht n\u00eb detyr\u00eb pran\u00eb institucioneve zyrtare dhe zbatojn\u00eb disa procedura e standarde p\u00ebr nxjerrjen e produkteve (informative) sa m\u00eb me cil\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Gjithashtu, k\u00ebto debate dhe publikime mund t\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb edhe vet\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit (p\u00ebr aq sa jan\u00eb t\u00eb interesuar ose mund t\u00eb bien n\u00eb kontakt me to),s\u00eb paku p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur mir\u00ebkuptimin me stafet q\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhin p\u00ebr t\u2019i mb\u00ebshtetur. Por pse jo, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur ose mbuluar edhe at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk mund apo nuk duhet t\u00eb pohohet zyrtarisht, duke natyralizuar dhe mb\u00ebshtetur q\u00ebndrimet dhe vendimet e veta publike.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrzgjedhja e element\u00ebve midis ideologjive udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb ilustruar r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji sunduese n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri (qoft\u00eb kjo idealiste, materialiste, komuniste, demokratike, nacionaliste, fetare, etj.) mjaft t\u00eb sjellim nj\u00eb shembull nga Lufta e Ftoht\u00eb. Af\u00ebrsisht, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1970, nj\u00eb autor amerikan, ish punonj\u00ebs i CIA-s, n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cOperacionet Sekrete t\u00eb CIA-s\u201d (botim ky i censuruar edhe nga CIA), do ta artikulonte n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimin e SHBA-ve, \u201ct\u00eb ndodhur n\u00eb udh\u00ebkryq\u201d, duke u shprehur me fjal\u00ebt:<\/p>\n

\u201cA mund t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb ne p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb histori, nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme Amerikane me at\u00eb tem\u00eb e vazhdim\u00ebsi si ajo q\u00eb ndiqet prej konkurrent\u00ebve tan\u00eb t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs? …Politika jon\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb reaksionare… A mund t\u00eb ndryshojm\u00eb ne q\u00ebllimet dhe angazhimet tona? A mund t\u00eb praktikojm\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji, q\u00eb t\u2019u sjell\u00eb shqet\u00ebsime rus\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb na frenuar ne? N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb \u00e7orientuese, kjo p\u00ebrb\u00ebn \u00e7\u00ebshtjen kryesore t\u00eb popullit Amerikan.\u201d (3)<\/p>\n

Un\u00eb besoj se tematika e vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flet autori, ka pasur t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht me ideologjin\u00eb sunduese prej nga udh\u00ebhiqej kjo e fundit, pra me marksizmin dhe leninizmin, me materializmin dialektik e historik, me socializmin shkencor, etj. Fokusimi rreth nj\u00eb boshti ideologjik besoj se e kan\u00eb ndihmuar Mosk\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos i pasur q\u00ebndrimet e veta kund\u00ebrshtuese si q\u00ebllime n\u00eb vetvete, por si referenca rreth nj\u00eb synimi m\u00eb t\u00eb avancuar ideologjik, pa paragjykuar pal\u00ebt n\u00eb proces, por duke kontestuar pik\u00ebpamjet e tyre \u201ct\u00eb gabuara\u201d.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht te kjo periudh\u00eb \u201cshqet\u00ebsuese\u201d p\u00ebr Amerik\u00ebn, mund t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb edhe fillesat e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje t\u00eb re p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut. Megjith\u00ebse historia e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr, ato dalin si objekt i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb vitet 1945 – 1948, dhe kjo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kuadrin e OKB-s\u00eb. Pavar\u00ebsisht nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarizimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave, zbatimi i tyre vazhdon te t\u00eb mbetej nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje thuajse komb\u00ebtare deri aty nga mesi i viteve 1960. \u201cPor \u00e7\u00ebshtja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut \u2013 si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, sikurse shkruan Prof. Niazi Jaho, u arrit t\u00eb b\u00ebhej n\u00eb vitin 1977, pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur Xhimi Karter (4) u b\u00eb president i SHBA.\u201d (Jaho,2000, f. 85-91.)<\/p>\n

Arritja m\u00eb kulmore e k\u00ebsaj l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb re besoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb firmosja nga ish B. Sovjetik dhe vendet e tjera komuniste t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Lindore t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Helsnikit p\u00ebr respektimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut t\u00eb vitit 1975. Procesi i firmosjes nj\u00ebri-pas-tjetrit nga vendet komuniste t\u00eb Lindjes mori edhe disa vjet m\u00eb pas, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur te mbledhja Lindje \u2013 Per\u00ebndim e Madridit, (1981 \u2013 1983), e njohur ndryshe edhe si Konferenca p\u00ebr Sigurimin dhe Bashk\u00ebpunimin n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. (Shkreli, 2012.) Rezultatet e m\u00ebvonshme pastaj flasin p\u00ebr shembjen e bllokut komunist n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1980, etj.<\/p>\n

Pra filozofia e mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, triumfoi mbi materializmin dialektik dhe historik. Duke qen\u00eb se t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb premisa m\u00eb t\u00eb thella n\u00eb kontekstin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (kur materializmi dialektik dhe historik kishte, p\u00ebr momentin, nj\u00eb shtrirje m\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore \u2013 duke u shtrir\u00eb n\u00eb natyr\u00eb, shoq\u00ebri dhe mendim), rezultati nga zhvillimi i k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb i sigurt n\u00eb aspektin shoq\u00ebror, m\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb, dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha \u2013 m\u00eb njer\u00ebzor. Populli shqiptar ka gjith\u00eb arsyet q\u00eb t\u2019i mbes\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00eb mir\u00ebnjoh\u00ebs k\u00ebtij parimi.
\nPor gjat\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb teorive lindin edhe diferencat, nd\u00ebrsa filozofia e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut ka evoluar m\u00eb tej. Konkretisht, p\u00ebrmendim t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn\u201cDeklarata e etik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore\u201d, t\u00eb aprovuar nga Parlamenti i Besimeve Bot\u00ebrore, n\u00eb \u00c7ikago, 1993, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin obligimin e shteteve (n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs s\u00eb besimeve mbi popujt dhe shtetet) lidhur me k\u00ebto t\u00eb drejta.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb pas, n\u00eb vitin 1998, vjen propozimi i K\u00ebshillit Nd\u00ebrveprues (5) n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara, i nj\u00eb Deklarate t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr Detyrat e Njeriut, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyer si ndihmes\u00eb dhe plot\u00ebsim i Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut, t\u00eb vitit 1948. (UNESKO.) P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj deklarate fiksohet q\u00eb, \u201c\u00e7do person, grup, organizat\u00eb, shtet, polici apo ushtri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i\/e lir\u00eb nga detyrat nd\u00ebrsa u n\u00ebnshtrohet kritereve morale\u201d, (UNESKO),duke zyrtarizuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, nga pik\u00ebpamja e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, detyrimet e \u00e7do pale lidhur me t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut si dhe respektimin prej tyre t\u00eb kritereve morale, t\u00eb aprovuar m\u00eb par\u00eb nga Parlamenti i Besimeve Bot\u00ebrore n\u00eb \u00c7ikago, m\u00eb 1993.<\/p>\n

Deklarata e P\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr Detyrat e Njeriut gjithashtu ngarkon me detyra \u00e7do person, (p\u00ebr t\u2019i trajtuar njer\u00ebzisht t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit); parashikon se p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb angazhohet \u00e7do person, (p\u00ebr dinjitetin dhe vet\u00eb-kujdesin e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb dhe t\u00eb nxis\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do rrethan\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn); \u00e7far\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00eb \u00e7do person, (sjelljet jo-njer\u00ebzore) dhe nga \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shmanget \u00e7do person, (nga e keqja.) (UNESKO.) Fjal\u00eb-ky\u00e7et m\u00eb interesante k\u00ebtu mendoj se jan\u00eb: \u00e7do person duhet t\u00eb nxis\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb shmanget nga e keqja. Nxitja e t\u00eb mir\u00ebs n\u00ebnkupton detyr\u00ebn q\u00eb \u00e7do person t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb mbi t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, duke u nisur nga kuptimi i tij i brendsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn, nd\u00ebrsa duhet ta shmang\u00eb veten nga p\u00ebrfshirja n\u00eb veprime, q\u00eb i ndikohen nga jasht\u00eb por q\u00eb ai i vler\u00ebson (apo duhet t\u2019i vler\u00ebsoj\u00eb) si t\u00eb k\u00ebqija.<\/p>\n

Por m\u00eb kryesorja, Deklarata obligon q\u00eb \u201cT\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb solidar\u00eb dhe t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi kundrejt secilit dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, familjeve dhe shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, racave, kombeve dhe feve: At\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, mos ia b\u00ebj as ti askujt.\u201d (UNESKO) Un\u00eb besoj se k\u00ebtu argumentimi sforcohet disi, kur solidariteti dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia e \u00e7do personi fillon t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet: nga me \u2018secilin\u2019 te me \u2018t\u00eb gjith\u00eb\u2019, duke u adresuar edhe sipas strukturave: n\u00eb baz\u00eb familje, shoq\u00ebrie, race, kombi dhe feje.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu mendoj se nuk duhet p\u00ebrjashtuar edhe nj\u00eb lloj p\u00ebrthyerjeje, kur bkalohet nga nj\u00ebri nivel strukturor (i hierarkis\u00eb) n\u00eb nivelin tjet\u00ebr. Sepse ndryshon solidariteti dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia q\u00eb mund dhe duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb nj\u00eb individ, nga ajo q\u00eb mund dhe duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb, nj\u00eb komb apo shoq\u00ebri, t\u00eb themi. Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb individi mund t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb apo kombit, nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb apo e krahasueshme me at\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit mund t\u2019i b\u00ebjn\u00eb individit. P.sh., mund t\u00eb thuhet se nj\u00eb shtet po vret shtetasit e vet por nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet e kund\u00ebrta, se individ\u00ebt po vrasin shtetin. E shumta, individ\u00ebt mund ta minojn\u00eb ose ta sabotojn\u00eb shtetin, apo edhe ta zhb\u00ebjn\u00eb at\u00eb. (Dhe kjo mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb, kur individ\u00ebt binden se shteti po u shkel t\u00eb drejtat. Por mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb edhe e kund\u00ebrta, kur shteti bindet se individ\u00ebt jan\u00eb bashkuar me t\u00eb keqen dhe po e sabotojn\u00eb.)<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, detyrat dhe angazhimet e \u00e7do personi p\u00ebr solidaritet dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi ndaj secilit dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, por edhe ndaj familjes, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, racave, kombeve dhe feve, mendoj se mund t\u2019i vendos\u00eb k\u00ebta individ\u00eb n\u00eb krah t\u00eb disa personave ose grupeve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb por edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb re \u2013 duke i p\u00ebrballur me vet\u00eb kolektivat, shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb, shtetet dhe kombet ku b\u00ebjn\u00eb pjes\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, besoj se mund t\u00eb ndiqen dy rrug\u00eb: ose shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb dhe shtetet mund t\u00eb evoluojn\u00eb (riorganizohen) duke u p\u00ebrshtatur ndaj k\u00ebrkesave m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e individit, pra nga posht\u00eb, ose shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb dhe shtetet mund t\u00eb ri-projektohen n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt mbi popullat\u00ebn, pra nga lart\u00eb, duke frenuar disa nga t\u00eb drejtat dhe lirit\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb plan m\u00eb afat-shkurt\u00ebr, n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb nj\u00eb premtimi m\u00eb afat-gjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rasti shqiptar i zhvillimit i p\u00ebrket rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb, pasi ka p\u00ebrfituar nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur popullin shqiptar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga genocidi serb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb, m\u00eb her\u00ebt, ka p\u00ebrqafuar vlerat per\u00ebndimore p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave dhe lirive themelore t\u00eb njeriut, dhe mbi baz\u00ebn e tyre investohet pa kushte p\u00ebr organizimin e vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e familjes n\u00eb BE. Nd\u00ebrsa te rruga tjet\u00ebr e zhvillimit mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet opsioni rus i \u201cdemokracis\u00eb sovrane\u201d (Sovereign democracy), (Odesskiy, 2006), alternativ\u00eb kjo e lakuar edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt por e formuluar teorikisht n\u00eb shkurt 2006 nga Vladislav Surkov, (Okara, 2007) dhe q\u00eb paraqitet si nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb bot\u00ebrore (Rode & Mohammed, 2014) ndaj rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb, t\u00eb ndjekur dhe mb\u00ebshtetur nga vendet Per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto rrug\u00eb zhvillimi synimet e ndjek\u00ebsve ose frym\u00ebzuesve i marrim t\u00eb sinqerta, at\u00ebher\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb ndryshon ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me bazat e ndryshme t\u00eb nisjes dhe pik\u00eb-takimet n\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb gjat\u00eb fazave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb zhvillimit nuk ka pse t\u00eb mungojn\u00eb. Por alternativat e nj\u00ebri-tjetrit duhen njohur dhe studiuar, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga stafet teknike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes, sepse element\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb te alternativa tjet\u00ebr, n\u00eb momente t\u00eb caktuara t\u00eb politik\u00eb-b\u00ebrjes dhe vendim-marrjes, mund t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb shum\u00eb mir\u00eb edhe n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb alternativ\u00ebs vetjake.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull, n\u00ebse \u201cdemokracia sovrane\u201d p\u00ebrshkohet nga besimi se \u201cshtetet-kombe sovrane do ta p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb s\u00ebrish t\u00eb ardhmen e Evrop\u00ebs\u201d,(Krastev, 2007) nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se parashikimet per\u00ebndimore p\u00ebr lindjen e shteteve t\u00eb reja komb\u00ebtare e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb. Madje, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn sot p\u00ebr sot, as vet\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit tan\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe n\u00eb Maqedoni, ende nuk kan\u00eb dal\u00eb hapur kund\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb prirjeje t\u00eb till\u00eb. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, stafet teknike q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit tan\u00eb nuk ka pse t\u2019i p\u00ebrjashtojn\u00eb rreziqet nga teprimet n\u00eb disa t\u00eb drejta, po qe se ato bien ndesh me interesat e sigurimit komb\u00ebtar. Sepse rreziqe t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb lindin edhe gjat\u00eb rrug\u00ebs ton\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimit, q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohen pa kthyer ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb kok\u00ebn pas, n\u00eb kontekstin e rrug\u00ebs q\u00eb kemi ndjekur deri tani.<\/p>\n

Duke par\u00eb n\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, mund t\u00eb theksohet se evoluimi i filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut ka reflektuar hap pas hapi ndaj precedent\u00ebve t\u00eb shkeljes s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. (Nj\u00eb tem\u00eb e mir\u00eb debati mes pragmatist\u00ebve dhe relativist\u00ebve mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb: Precedent\u00ebt kan\u00eb lindur dhe pastaj jan\u00eb artikuluar, apo ka ndodhur e kund\u00ebrta?) Gjat\u00eb viteve 1999 \u2013 2000 Sekretari i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara nxiti an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e organizat\u00ebs t\u2019i adresoheshin \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb ngritura nga incidentet m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb genocidit dhe spastrimeve etnike n\u00eb Somali, Ruanda, Bosnje dhe Kosov\u00eb. Ideja ishte p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar se \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb k\u00ebsi rastesh? Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje u formua Komisioni Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Nd\u00ebrhyrjen dhe Sovranitetin e Shtetit, i financuar n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nga qeveria e Kanadas\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2001 ky komision nxori raportin e tij, t\u00eb titulluar: \u201cP\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00ebmbrojtur\u201d. (Mutimer, 2009, f. 86-87.)<\/p>\n

Parimet baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie p\u00ebrmblidhen si vijon: Sovraniteti i shtetit n\u00ebnkupton dhe mbart p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia primare \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e mbrojtjes s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb banojn\u00eb brenda atij shteti. Aty ku nj\u00eb popullsi vuan lig\u00ebsi serioze, si rezultat i luft\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme, rebelimit, represionit ose d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb shtetit dhe ku shteti n\u00eb fjal\u00eb nuk ka d\u00ebshir\u00eb ose \u00ebsht\u00eb i pa aft\u00eb ta ndal\u00eb ose shmang\u00eb at\u00eb, parimi i mosnd\u00ebrhyrjes i l\u00eb vendin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur. (Mutimer, 2009, f. 86-87.)<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu mendoj se ka dy terma rreth t\u00eb cilave mund t\u00eb diskutohet. S\u00eb pari, termi i mbrojtjes s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve brenda nj\u00eb shteti, rrjedh nga m\u00ebnyra se si shikohet kjo mbrojtje jo nga brenda por nga jasht\u00eb, pra nga \u201cfaktori nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u201d. S\u00eb dyti, \u201cp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje votash, por edhe nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje fuqie. P\u00ebr shembull, cila do t\u00eb ishte \u201cp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur\u201d n\u00ebse do t\u00eb konstatoheshin probleme t\u00eb tilla n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, Indi, SHBA apo Rusi, etj.? A ja vlen ta marr\u00ebsh p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi? Me \u00e7far\u00eb kostosh p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit e vendeve ku prezumohet se t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb tilla respektohen? Pastaj \u201cfaktori nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u201d ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb term tep\u00ebr fluid: si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsoj\u00eb shkeljen e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb nj\u00ebrin shtet, po ashtu mund ta kujtoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr shtetin tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, formulimi i \u201cp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur\u201d ka kuptim vet\u00ebm pasi krijohet nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (ndoshta e cil\u00ebsuar) jo vet\u00ebn n\u00eb vota por edhe n\u00eb fuqi. Nd\u00ebrsa kontributi i vendeve t\u00eb vogla mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i \u201cbarasvlersh\u00ebm\u201d n\u00eb vot\u00eb por jo n\u00eb fuqi. Po k\u00ebshtu edhe p\u00ebrfitimet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb vog\u00ebl: diku mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb edhe njer\u00ebzit edhe vendi, diku mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb vendi dhe t\u00eb humbasin njer\u00ebzit, por diku tjet\u00ebr mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit dhe t\u00eb humbas\u00eb vendi. Pra vendet e vogla mund ta pyesin veten, s\u00eb paku dy her\u00eb: N\u00eb bot\u00ebn ku jetojm\u00eb, ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrfitime dhe jo humbje? N\u00ebse kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur, kujt i takon \u201cp\u00ebrzgjedhja\u2019 dhe midis \u00e7far\u00eb?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb kushtet e nj\u00eb tranzicioni shqiptar t\u00eb st\u00ebrzgjatur dhe tejet t\u00eb mundimsh\u00ebm, duke e marr\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebqen\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimin e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve tan\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhur nga populli (sipas emrave n\u00eb listat q\u00eb i jan\u00eb ofruar), dilema q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ngrihet p\u00ebrball\u00eb stafeve teknike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes \u00ebsht\u00eb: Ka difektuar asistenca nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ndaj vendit dhe institucioneve (me k\u00ebshillat, rekomandimet, financimet, p\u00eblqimet, disaprovimet, pohimet, kufizimet dhe kusht\u00ebzimet) apo ka difektuar asistenca teknike e stafeve t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit, duke mos pasur \u00e7\u2019t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb nga vetja dhe duke mos ditur \u00e7\u2019t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhin nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt?<\/p>\n

T\u00eb dyja p\u00ebrgjigjet e mundshme mendoj se kan\u00eb kuptim. Prandaj, stafet teknike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes duhet t\u00eb din\u00eb se \u201cP\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur\u201d nga komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mund t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb \u201cbumerang\u201d edhe n\u00eb rastet kur ndiqen qorrazi rekomandimet \u201ce hallakatura\u201d t\u00eb komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, pavar\u00ebsisht devotshm\u00ebris\u00eb. Sepse rekomandimet e nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve shprehin, shpesh her\u00eb, interesat afatshkurtra t\u00eb institucioneve dhe vendeve q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb (vet\u00eb mandati i shkurt\u00ebr q\u00eb kan\u00eb Ambasador\u00ebt e presupozon k\u00ebt\u00eb), por nuk kan\u00eb as koh\u00ebn dhe as p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar p\u00ebr interesat tona m\u00eb afat-gjata. Devotshm\u00ebria ndaj nj\u00eb rekomandimi \u201ct\u00eb mir\u00eb\u201d sot mund t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb \u201cp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d nes\u00ebr, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur ata, interesat e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve do mund t\u00eb cenoheshin si rezultat i devotshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb sotshme.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e stafeve t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes, q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr interesat afat-gjata t\u00eb vendit, n\u00eb kuadrin e misionit t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin, por edhe t\u2019i ofrojn\u00eb atij argumentet e nevojshme, q\u00eb e kan\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u anashkaluar nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt (s\u00eb paku, etikisht.) Pik\u00ebrisht, n\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, lypset q\u00eb stafet e mb\u00ebshtetjes teknike t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes t\u00eb din\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb elementesh t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhin nga teorit\u00eb a ideologjit\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrueset\u00eb koh\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrzgjedhja e element\u00ebve midis teorive t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb siguris\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Si rezultat i zhvillimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb doktrin\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, n\u00eb nj\u00eb stad t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb k\u00ebtij zhvillimi, kemi (s\u00eb paku) shfaqjen e dy teorive t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, n\u00eb kontekstin e mbrojtjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave. Detyra e stafeve mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhin element\u00eb te dobish\u00ebm midis k\u00ebtyre teorive, p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb analizat e veta dhe t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfundime sa m\u00eb t\u00eb pavarura, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i ofrojn\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes rekomandimet e p\u00ebrshtatshme, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjidhen dhe prioritizohen me leht\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Konkretisht, vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vit pas t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201cDeklarata e etik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore\u201d, (6) n\u00eb maj t\u00eb vitit 1994, n\u00eb universitetin Jork n\u00eb Toronto, u mbajt nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb e vog\u00ebl me titull: \u201cStrategjit\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt: Qasje kritike ndaj studimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb\u201d, ku autor\u00ebt Keith Krause dhe Michael C. Williams do t\u00eb vinin n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje objektin referues t\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb: nga studimi i siguris\u00eb s\u00eb shtetit, si objekti kryesor q\u00eb duhej ruajtur, te studimi i siguris\u00eb s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve brenda shtetit, madje n\u00eb planin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, te siguria e njer\u00ebzve edhe brenda shteteve t\u00eb tjera…Sepse edhe kur shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb i sigurt, mund t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt njer\u00ebzit brenda tij… (Mutimer, 2009, f. 80-107.)<\/p>\n

Kjo qasje besoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb korrekte nga pik\u00ebpamja e parimeve t\u00eb humanizmit, vpor niveli individual i analiz\u00ebs mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb \u2018hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebta\u2019, n\u00eb momentin kur \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e siguris\u00eb ngrihen n\u00eb sistem. Sepse siguria individuale funksionon n\u00eb sistem dhe siguria individuale varet edhe nga siguria e kolektivit, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, shtetit dhe kombit ku b\u00ebn pjes\u00eb. Si argument mund t\u00eb sjellim shfaqjen pas Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Torontos, t\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhages, nj\u00eb lloj paraleleje evropiane n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb studimeve kritike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Me em\u00ebrtimin \u2018Shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb njohur qasja e autor\u00ebve Barry Buzan, OleWeaver dhe Jaap de Wilde n\u00eb librin e tyre me titull: \u201cSiguria: nj\u00eb kuad\u00ebr i ri analize\u201d. Libri synon t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb dallueshme nga studimet kritike t\u00ebsiguris\u00eb, q\u00eb u paraqit n\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn e Torontos. (Emmers, 2009, f. 152.)<\/p>\n

N\u00eb ndryshim nga studimet kritike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, ku objekt i studimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb individi brenda shtetit, ose edhe individi brenda shteteve t\u00eb tjera, sipas shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs objektet referues mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb shteti (siguria ushtarake); sovraniteti komb\u00ebtar ose nj\u00eb ideologji (siguria politike); ekonomit\u00eb komb\u00ebtare (siguria ekonomike); identitetet kolektive (siguria shoq\u00ebrore); speciet ose habitatet (siguria mjedisore)….Kat\u00ebr prej pes\u00eb komponent\u00ebve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shkolle i p\u00ebrkasin k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve jo-ushtarake ndaj siguris\u00eb. (Emmers, 2009, f. 151.)<\/p>\n

Sipas Emmers, shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs thekson se ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me mbijetes\u00ebn, ku nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim sigurie duhet t\u00eb artikulohet si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim ekzistencial. Pra shkolla mb\u00ebshtet logjik\u00ebn siguri-mbijetes\u00eb q\u00eb gjendet n\u00eb nj\u00eb konceptim tradicional t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. (Emmers, 2009, f. 152.) Ky fakt, sipas mendimit tim, provon se, kur siguria personale i n\u00ebnshtrohet siguris\u00eb kolektive, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja e mbijetes\u00ebs personale i transferohet kolektivit; por n\u00ebse siguria personale i n\u00ebnshtrohet disa t\u00eb drejtave themelore t\u00eb gjith\u00eb-pranuara bot\u00ebrisht, at\u00ebher\u00eb siguria kolektive (n\u00eb var\u00ebsi me pozicionin q\u00eb z\u00eb si n\u00ebn-sistem) mund t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb diskutim. Pra siguria e kolektivit mund te ekzistoj\u00eb, por edhe jo, var\u00ebsisht nga fuqia e tij n\u00eb raportet me jasht\u00eb, q\u00eb vendosin prioritetet \u2013n\u00ebse n\u00eb plan t\u00eb par\u00eb do vihej mbrojtja e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb individit apo mbrojtja e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb kolektivit \u2013 me gjendjen e vet ekzistuese.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr t\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs q\u00ebndron nocioni i siguris\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore, pasi e vendos theksin m\u00eb shum\u00eb te shoq\u00ebria sesa tek shteti si objekt kryesor referues. Ky nocion ka prejardhje t\u00eb fort\u00eb nga nj\u00eb eksperienc\u00eb evropiane, pasi u referohet shoq\u00ebrive me kufij t\u00eb hapur, q\u00eb supozohet se ekzistojn\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, si rezultat i integrimit ekonomik dhe politik. Sipas Ralf Emmers, \u201cSiguria shoq\u00ebrore… lidhet me nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb identiteti kolektiv evropian dhe duhet ve\u00e7uar nga siguria shtet\u00ebrore, e cila lidhet me mbrojtjen e sovranitetit komb\u00ebtar dhe integritetin territorial.\u201d (Emmers, 2009, f. 152.)<\/p>\n

Pra duket se dalja e shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vit pas Platform\u00ebs s\u00eb Torontos nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi. N\u00ebse platforma e Torontos fokusohet te \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e siguris\u00eb individuale n\u00eb raport me shtetet ku b\u00ebjn\u00eb pjes\u00eb, shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs fokusohet te \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebs t\u00eb pes\u00eb sektor\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb, duke reflektuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj instinkti vet\u00eb-mbrojtjeje, n\u00eb kuadrin e ides\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb BE-je t\u00eb unifikuar. (Pik\u00ebrisht ky lloj instinkti besoj se do ishte i sh\u00ebndetsh\u00ebm edhe p\u00ebr \u00e7do vend aspirant n\u00eb BE.)<\/p>\n

N\u00eb ndryshim nga studimet kritike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, ku siguria personale vendoset n\u00eb raport me shtetin, i cili ka p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb t\u2019i mbroj\u00eb k\u00ebto t\u00eb drejta dhe kur nuk i mbron \u2013 ka p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi (dhe shtr\u00ebngime), siguria shoq\u00ebrore funksionon si nj\u00eb koncept p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsues p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e \u00e7do vendi an\u00ebtar t\u00eb BE, duke n\u00ebnkuptuar q\u00eb edhe vendet aspirant\u00eb t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb drejt k\u00ebtij \u2018p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsimi\u2019 t\u00eb siguris\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore, (natyrisht, shpresojm\u00eb, duke mos mohuar vetveten, si shtet dhe si komb.) (7)<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, n\u00ebse shqiptar\u00ebt (ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ata t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs) kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga praktika nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, kjo nuk p\u00ebrjashton t\u00eb drejtat e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar edhe si shtet (apo shtete), edhe si komb; mjafton q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria dhe \u2018siguria shoq\u00ebrore\u2019 (sipas shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs) t\u00eb supervizohet duke i mbivendosur synimin e shtetit dhe t\u00eb kombit. Madje, te \u2018siguria shoq\u00ebrore\u2019, pavar\u00ebsisht se nuk i referohet shtetit, \u2018shoq\u00ebria\u2019 mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb si nj\u00eb element i nj\u00ebtrajtsh\u00ebm homogjen, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u2018kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb\u2019 p\u00ebrtej shtetit, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb lidhjen midis kombit dhe shtetit.<\/p>\n

Pra un\u00eb besoj se Shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs ka avantazhe n\u00eb kontekstin shqiptar, pasi ajo nuk i p\u00ebrjashton sigurit\u00eb n\u00eb kat\u00ebr nivelet e tjera, pavar\u00ebsisht mbi-theksimit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore. Pes\u00eb fushat e siguris\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin shkollae Kopenhag\u00ebs, praktikisht jan\u00eb pes\u00eb fushat kryesore q\u00eb do t\u2019i korrespondonin \u00e7far\u00ebdolloj sistemi t\u00eb sigurimit komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs e shikon objektin e studimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb nga pik\u00ebpamja e shtetit dhe jo nga pik\u00ebpamja e individit, (ose, p\u00ebrndryshe, siguria e individit ka kuptim brenda siguris\u00eb s\u00eb kolektivit, por edhe brenda siguris\u00eb s\u00eb shtetit dhe kombit.) Kjo nuk p\u00ebrjashton q\u00eb stafet e ndryshme t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes, n\u00eb analizat dhe rekomandimet e veta, t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb edhe element\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb nga platforma e Torontos, ose studimet kritike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, p\u00ebr aq sa shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni me interesat e vendit.<\/p>\n

Disa p\u00ebrfundime<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb kuadrin e k\u00ebtij studimi mund t\u00eb nxiren disa p\u00ebrfundime:<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e p\u00ebrparuara shmangen q\u00ebndrimet zyrtare pro ose kund\u00ebr teorive dhe shkollave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb mendimit, sepse asgj\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb jete plot\u00ebsisht e sakt\u00eb ose plot\u00ebsisht e gabuar. Por edhe sepse respektohet parimi Iliris\u00eb, q\u00eb buron se brendshmi, duke respektuar interesin pragmatik n\u00eb formulimin dhe shfaqjen e njohurive, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat konkrete t\u00eb jen\u00eb funksionale n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb rezultateve t\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebs, nga pik\u00ebpamja e nj\u00eb personi, bashk\u00ebsie, shteti apo kombi, ku p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia mbetet kurdoher\u00eb te aspekti i brendsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb nivelin vetjak.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, toleranca n\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjen midis element\u00ebve t\u00eb njohurive n\u00ebnkupton lirin\u00eb e botimit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb komplementare duke mbushur gjith\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn nga ‘pro’ n\u00eb ‘kund\u00ebr’, si dhe lirin\u00eb e konkurrimit midis ideve, teorive, rrymave, shkollave dhe universiteteve ku formohen elitat, q\u00eb furnizojn\u00eb stafet teknike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb ken\u00eb gjith\u00eb hyrjet (in-putet) informative t\u00eb furnizuara nga nj\u00eb mjedis plot\u00ebsisht i pasuruar dhe t\u00eb zot\u00ebrojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kapacitetet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur synimet dhe interesat e perspektiv\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, sikurse \u00e7do gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bot\u00eb, edhe teorit\u00eb filozofike apo ideologjit\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse kan\u00eb pik\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb ngjizjes, kulmin e zhvillimit, por edhe faz\u00ebn pasuese t\u00eb degradimit dhe transformimit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, avantazhi n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar i filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut mund t\u00eb vendoset, si rezultat i evoluimit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst dhe raport t\u00eb ri, q\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb tjet\u00ebr zhvillimi, mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb disavantazh n\u00eb raport me filozofin\u00eb dhe ideologjit\u00eb e tjera konkurruese. Ndaj nuk duhet neglizhuar edhe studimi n\u00eb detaje i k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb stafet teknike t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes t\u00eb ken\u00eb premisat p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur element\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb njohurish brenda tyre dhe t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e duhur, pa paragjykuar nj\u00ebr\u00ebn ose tjetr\u00ebn teori.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, ngjashm\u00ebrisht asaj q\u00eb ndodh me ideologjit\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse, si dhe me teorit\u00eb apo shkollat e tjera t\u00eb mendimit, i nj\u00ebjti cik\u00ebl zhvillimi besoj se shoq\u00ebron edhe teorit\u00eb dhe shkollat e ndryshme n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e studimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, n\u00ebse n\u00ebn influenc\u00ebn e studimeve kritike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, t\u00eb shpalosur n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Torontos (maj 1994), u sigurua mbrojtja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri (1997) dhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (1999), gjendja e st\u00ebrzgjatur tranzitore n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe Kosov\u00eb, po provon se mbrojtja e t\u00eb drejtave dhe lirive themelore t\u00eb njeriut nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe m\u00eb tej efektive, pa siguruar tashm\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave dhe lirive themelore t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb, ku b\u00ebn pjes\u00eb ky individ.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundi, mbase e till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe radha e gj\u00ebrave. N\u00eb vitet e para pas shembjes s\u00eb sistemit Komunist, sipas Carlo Jean (1996) (8), studiues italian i gjeopolitik\u00ebs, perspektiva e t\u00eb ardhmes n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebrcaktohej si nj\u00eb fush\u00eb veprimi n\u00eb zbraz\u00ebtir\u00eb, pa p\u00ebrmendur fare emra shtetesh n\u00eb t\u00eb (Jean, 1998.). Afro 15 vjet m\u00eb pas, sipas disa referencave nga sociologu shqiptar nga Kosova, Fadil Maloku, (2012) Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor mund t\u00eb trajtohet si nj\u00eb \u201csall\u00eb e madhe operacioni\u201d, apo nj\u00eb punishte \u201csocio-politike\u201d p\u00ebr prodhimin e modeleve t\u00eb atilla, \u201cq\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb zhveshura shum\u00eb nga fuqia e sovranitetit shtet\u00ebror\u201d, duke form\u00ebsuar \u201centitete rajonale politike pa kufij dhe me nj\u00eb sovranitet t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar, ku t\u00eb gjitha vendet do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb qasje t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt me identitetet e tjera p\u00ebrreth\u201d, n\u00eb sinkron me interesat e kompanive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha trans-nacionale p\u00ebr \u201cri-konfigurimin e Ballkanit n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsie unike.\u201d (Maloku, 2012.) (A thua se po p\u00ebrgatitet nj\u00eb koktej \u201cspermatozoidesh\u201d me serb\u00eb, shqiptar\u00eb, boshnjak\u00eb, maqedonas e malazez\u00eb! B.A.)<\/p>\n

Si Ballkanas, nuk na mbetet tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb se, ndoshta tani, kemi mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb faz\u00ebn kur Bashkimi Evropian e ka kristalizuar ngjizjen e k\u00ebtij bashkimi \u201csui-generis\u201d, n\u00eb form\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb shteteve a kombeve sovrane, me t\u00eb drejta e detyrime t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, sipas pesh\u00ebs specifike q\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb popujt dhe vendet tona n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, ka shum\u00eb kuptim q\u00eb mbrojtja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut sipas vizionit t\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Torontos, t\u00eb l\u00ebshoj\u00eb gradualisht terren, duke funksionuar p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb sinkron me mbrojtjen e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave nga pik\u00ebpamja e mbijetes\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore dhe komb\u00ebtare, sipas vizionit t\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Le t\u00eb rikujtojm\u00eb se, sipas Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs, objektet referues n\u00eb studimet e siguris\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb shteti (siguria ushtarake); sovraniteti komb\u00ebtar ose nj\u00eb ideologji (siguria politike); ekonomit\u00eb komb\u00ebtare (siguria ekonomike); identitetet kolektive (siguria shoq\u00ebrore); speciet ose habitatet (siguria mjedisore)…\u201d (Emmers, 2009.) Praktikisht, t\u00eb pesta k\u00ebto nivele jan\u00eb fushat kryesore q\u00eb do t\u2019i korrespondonin \u00e7far\u00ebdolloj sistemi t\u00eb sigurimit komb\u00ebtar, ndaj un\u00eb besoj se Shkolla e Kopenhag\u00ebs ka avantazhe n\u00eb kontekstin shqiptar dhe m\u00eb gjer\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrgjigjja evropiane p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut.<\/p>\n

Tiran\u00eb, m\u00eb 28.09.2014<\/em><\/p>\n

Bibliografia<\/strong>:
\n1. Dorf, Robert \u201cRobin\u201d, H. Disa metoda ekoncepte baz\u00eb p\u00ebr studimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb \u201cGuid\u00eb p\u00ebrpolitik\u00ebn dhe strategjin\u00eb e siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare.\u201d V\u00ebll. II. Akademia e Mbrojtjess\u00eb FA, 2009, Tiran\u00eb, f. 239 \u2013 256.
\n2. Emmers, Ralf. Sigurizimi. Studimebashk\u00ebkohore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Nga Alan Collins. UET\/Press, 2009. F. 151, 152. ISBN:978-99956-39-14-3.
\n3. Jaho, Nazi. Disa \u00e7\u00ebshtje lidhur me lirit\u00ebdhe t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut n\u00eb frym\u00ebn e dokumenteve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe kushtetut\u00ebston\u00eb. Pak histori. Workshopi i Par\u00eb Rajonal: \u201cTrauma, faktor\u00ebt, pasojat dhep\u00ebrballimi\u201d. Tiran\u00eb, 2000, f. 85-91.
\n4. Jean, Karlo. Gjeopolitika, Sht\u00ebpia Botuesee Ushtris\u00eb, Tiran\u00eb, 1998.
\n5. Krastev, I. \u201cRussia Vs Europe: theSovereignty \u00cbars\u201d (Open Democracy, 11 Sept 2007,http:\/\/www.opendemocracy.net\/article\/globalisation\/institutions_government\/russia_europe.)[Perifrazuar sipas Okara, A. 2007]
\n6. Maloku, Fadil. Vizioni p\u00ebr Ballkaninper\u00ebndimor n\u00eb proceset e globalizimit. 08.06.2012.http:\/\/www.telegrafi.com\/lajme\/vizioni-per-ballkanin-perendimor-ne-proceset-e-globalizimit-26-5112.html
\n7. Marshall, Gordon. Fjalor Sociologjik iOksfordit. P\u00ebrkthyer nga Bashkim Shehu. Tiranw, 2009. ISBN: 978-99956-668-2-8.
\n8. Mutimer, David. Studime kritike t\u00ebsiguris\u00eb: nj\u00eb histori skizmatike. Libri: Studime bashk\u00ebkohore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. NgaAlan Collins. UET\/Press, 2009. F. 86-87. ISBN: 978-99956-39-14-3.
\n9. Odesskiy, Mikhail. The idea of \u201cSovereignDemocracy\u201d: Experience of interpretation. PECOP \u2013 Conferences \u2013 \u201cSovereign Democracy\u201d.(PECOB \u2013 Portal on Central Eastern and Balkan Europe.) 2006.
\n10. Okara, Andrei. Doctor of La\u00eb. SovereignDemocracy: A ne\u00eb Russian Idea or a PR Project? Russia in Global Affairs, Vol.5, Nr. 3. July \u2013 September, 2007.
\n11. Operacionet Secrete t\u00eb CIA-s. Tiran\u00eb,1982. Botim i MPB. P\u00ebrktheu nga Anglishtja \u2013 Ilia Zhulati. Redaktor \u2013 NeshatTozaj.
\n12. Rode, David. and Mohammed, Arshad. SpecialReport – Ho\u00eb the U.S. made its Putin problem \u00eborse. April, 18. 2014.http:\/\/uk.mobile.reuters.com\/article\/topNews\/idUKBREA3H0OS20140418?i=3
\n13. Shkreli, Frank. Shuarja e mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm t\u00ebnd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb \u201cBota sot\u201d. 24.02.2012. http:\/\/botasot.info\/opinione\/212518\/shuarja-e-mbeshtetesit-te-fuqishem-te-nderhyrjes-se-nato-s-ne-kosove\/
\n14. UNESKO. Materialep\u00ebr m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e edukimit politik . T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut\/Detyrat e njeriut.http:\/\/www.dadalos.org\/alb\/Menschenrechte\/grundkurs_mr2\/Menschenpflichten\/pflichten.htm
\n15. UNESKO. Materialep\u00ebr m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e edukimit politik . T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut\/Etika bot\u00ebrore.http:\/\/www.dadalos.org\/alb\/Menschenrechte\/grundkurs_mr2\/Weltethos\/dokum_2.htm
\n16. Wikipedia. https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Main_Page
\n17. Wikipedia, Jimmy Carter. https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Jimmy_Carter<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Sh\u00ebnime<\/strong>:
\n(1) Tashm\u00eb pranohet gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb filozofin\u00eb e shkenc\u00ebs, se \u201c\u2026ligjet e teorit\u00eb shkencorem\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb konfirmuara plot\u00ebsisht nga t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat faktike n\u00ebt\u00eb cilat mb\u00ebshteten.\u201d Shih\u201cKonvencionalizmi (conventionalism)\u201d, (Marshall, 2009, f. 195-196.) Se \u201c\u2026krejtdija shkencore duhet v\u00ebshtruar si e p\u00ebrkohshme (nuk ekziston asnj\u00eb prov\u00eb oseantiprov\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtare)\u2026\u201d, shif \u201cfalsifikimi, t\u00eb falsifikuarit\u201d, (Marshall,2009, f. 97-98.)
\n(2) Vinire: \u201canalist\u00eb strategjik\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb \u201cpolitik\u00ebs aktuale\u201d; dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, strategjit\u00eb jan\u00ebe ardhmja q\u00eb p\u00ebrvijohet qysh sot.
\n(3) Operacionet Secrete t\u00eb CIA-s. Botim i MPB, Tiran\u00eb, 1982. P\u00ebrktheu nga Anglishtja \u2013 IliaZhulati. Redaktor \u2013 Neshat Tozaj.
\n(4) Pas largimit nga Presidenca, Karter dhe bashk\u00ebshortja n\u00eb vitin 1982 krijuan Qendr\u00ebn Karter p\u00ebravancimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb mbar\u00eb globin, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00ebvitin 2002 fitoi \u00e7mimin Nobel p\u00ebr paqen, p\u00ebr kontributin e tij n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim.https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Jimmy_Carter
\n(5) Bashkimii ish-kryetar\u00ebve dhe kryeministrave t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs.
\n(6) Aprovuar nga Parlamenti i Besimeve Bot\u00ebrore, n\u00eb \u00c7ikago, 1993.
\n(7) K\u00ebtu ka nj\u00eb problem, se referencate siguria shoq\u00ebrore duke anashkaluar sigurin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore p\u00ebr vendet eprapambetura q\u00eb synojn\u00eb integrimin n\u00eb BE, mund t\u00eb humbasin m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sovranitetse v\u00ebndet e tjera t\u00eb BE, q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sovranitet e kan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb stabiluzuar.)
\n(8) Botimip\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb Italisht, i \u201cGjeopolitik\u00ebs\u201d s\u00eb Karlo Jean.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bujar Abedinaj, Doktorant pran\u00eb Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb FA Email: b_abedinaj@yahoo.com Trajtes\u00eb e shkurtuar: Punimi nis nga premisa se zgjidhjet inteligjente jan\u00eb nj\u00eb proces p\u00ebrzgjedhjeje edhe n\u00eb nivelin e teorive. P\u00ebrzgjedhja inteligjente k\u00ebtu nuk iu adresohet teorive t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, duke fetishizuar, ose duke u radikalizuar pas nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs, por element\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb brenda tyre, diku m\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,3],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\nP\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Bujar Abedinaj, Doktorant pran\u00eb Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb FA Email: b_abedinaj@yahoo.com Trajtes\u00eb e shkurtuar: Punimi nis nga premisa se zgjidhjet inteligjente jan\u00eb nj\u00eb proces p\u00ebrzgjedhjeje edhe n\u00eb nivelin e teorive. P\u00ebrzgjedhja inteligjente k\u00ebtu nuk iu adresohet teorive t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, duke fetishizuar, ose duke u radikalizuar pas nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs, por element\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb brenda tyre, diku m\u00eb […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"40 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"admin\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2\"},\"headline\":\"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN\",\"datePublished\":\"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\"},\"wordCount\":7937,\"commentCount\":1,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Artikuj\",\"Histori\"],\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\",\"name\":\"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg\"},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/\",\"name\":\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\",\"description\":\"Arkivi 2009-2015\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":\"required name=search_term_string\"}],\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization\",\"name\":\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/\",\"url\":\"\",\"contentUrl\":\"\",\"caption\":\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/\"}},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2\",\"name\":\"admin\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg\",\"caption\":\"admin\"},\"description\":\"Admin, Fjala e Lir\u00eb\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/\"],\"url\":\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/author\/admin\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/","og_locale":"sq_AL","og_type":"article","og_title":"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","og_description":"Bujar Abedinaj, Doktorant pran\u00eb Akademis\u00eb s\u00eb FA Email: b_abedinaj@yahoo.com Trajtes\u00eb e shkurtuar: Punimi nis nga premisa se zgjidhjet inteligjente jan\u00eb nj\u00eb proces p\u00ebrzgjedhjeje edhe n\u00eb nivelin e teorive. P\u00ebrzgjedhja inteligjente k\u00ebtu nuk iu adresohet teorive t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta, duke fetishizuar, ose duke u radikalizuar pas nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs, por element\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb brenda tyre, diku m\u00eb […]","og_url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/","og_site_name":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","article_published_time":"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00","og_image":[{"url":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg"}],"author":"admin","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"admin","Est. reading time":"40 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/"},"author":{"name":"admin","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2"},"headline":"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN","datePublished":"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00","dateModified":"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/"},"wordCount":7937,"commentCount":1,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg","articleSection":["Artikuj","Histori"],"inLanguage":"sq-AL","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/","name":"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg","datePublished":"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00","dateModified":"2014-10-02T08:15:30+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"sq-AL","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"sq-AL","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#primaryimage","url":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg","contentUrl":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/2014\/bujar_abedinaj.jpg"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/perzgjedhja-inteligjente-midis-teorive-dhe-ceshtjet-e-sigurise-ne-ballkan\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"P\u00cbRZGJEDHJA INTELIGJENTE MIDIS TEORIVE DHE \u00c7\u00cbSHTJET E SIGURIS\u00cb N\u00cb BALLKAN"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#website","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/","name":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","description":"Arkivi 2009-2015","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":"required name=search_term_string"}],"inLanguage":"sq-AL"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization","name":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"sq-AL","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"","contentUrl":"","caption":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"}},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2","name":"admin","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"sq-AL","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg","caption":"admin"},"description":"Admin, Fjala e Lir\u00eb","sameAs":["https:\/\/fjala.info\/"],"url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/author\/admin\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13754"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13754"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13754\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13754"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13754"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13754"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}