{"id":13589,"date":"2014-06-08T08:07:10","date_gmt":"2014-06-08T07:07:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=1311"},"modified":"2014-06-08T08:07:10","modified_gmt":"2014-06-08T07:07:10","slug":"partitokracizmi-politik-me-paraveprime-dhe-ngjyra-pluripartitiste","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/partitokracizmi-politik-me-paraveprime-dhe-ngjyra-pluripartitiste\/","title":{"rendered":"PARTITOKRACIZMI POLITIK ME PARAVEPRIME DHE NGJYRA PLURIPARTITISTE"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Isuf Bajrami<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr pluripartitiz\u00ebm, ndon\u00ebse kjo paraqet disa ve\u00e7ori q\u00eb e dallojn\u00eb nga dukurit\u00eb e ngjashme n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera evropiane. Duke pasur parasysh ve\u00e7orit\u00eb e \u00e7do vendi, do t\u00eb ishte e habitshme n\u00eb fakt e kund\u00ebrta, pra sikur pluripartitizmi politik t\u00eb mos prezantohej alla kosovar\u00e7e.<\/p>\n

Pluripartitizmi merr form\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7astin kur me \u00e7do kusht tenton t\u00eb realizohet dominimi i partitokracist\u00ebve n\u00eb jet\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore, politike dhe ekonomike. Ky dominim nyj\u00ebzohet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pranis\u00eb dhe rr\u00ebnjosjes masive t\u00eb titist\u00ebve n\u00ebp\u00ebr partit\u00eb e \u201cm\u00ebdha\u201d t\u00eb vendit. Disa karakteristika q\u00eb e d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb fare mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb jan\u00eb: programet fotokopje t\u00eb partive politike; prirja p\u00ebr marrjen me \u00e7do kusht e kompetencave institucionale; mungesa e lidhjes me baz\u00ebn; ndarja e baz\u00ebs elektorale mbi baza gjeografike, klanore e familjare; polarizimi i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm i politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga tiparet universale t\u00eb pluripartitist\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe monopoli i veprimtaris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre n\u00eb politik\u00eb. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, kjo mund t\u00eb pohohet pa frik\u00eb, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb sindikatat, shoqatat, fondacionet, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi shoq\u00ebria civile, \u00ebsht\u00eb ende n\u00eb gjum\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb kom\u00eb, duke ua dor\u00ebzuar politik\u00ebn t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht partive pluripartitiste.<\/p>\n

Partit\u00eb politike nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, as n\u00eb territor, n\u00eb kuptimin tradicional t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb organizat\u00ebs partiake. T\u00ebrheqja e partive nga terreni ka pasoja t\u00eb dyanshme; nga nj\u00eb an\u00eb partit\u00eb privohen nga funksioni i interpretimit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave sociale, duke filluar nga baza, \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se partit\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje ta njohin realisht shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb; nga ana tjet\u00ebr japin p\u00ebrshtypjen se nuk anojn\u00eb t\u2019i uzurpojn\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat e jet\u00ebs sociale. Partitokracist\u00ebt, rezultojn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, p\u00ebrderisa refuzojn\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjoset n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb m\u00ebtojn\u00eb se p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb legjitimisht\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha instancat shoq\u00ebrore. Kapilarizimi i strukturave partiake n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri m\u00eb kujton epoka t\u00eb kaluara, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe vul\u00ebn e padiskutueshme t\u00eb partitokracis\u00eb s\u00eb skajshme, si pushtet absolut i partis\u00eb mbi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe ekonomin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb duhet t\u00eb them se nga pik\u00ebpamja e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit, sistemi i partive u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb partitokraci n\u00eb momentin kur partit\u00eb shprehin vet\u00ebm interesa madhore, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuese e centraliste, pra kur humbasin aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e shprehjes s\u00eb interesave t\u00eb vogla, t\u00eb diferencave, t\u00eb ve\u00e7orive. Reagensi i partitokracis\u00eb identifikohet fillimisht tek paaft\u00ebsia e partive p\u00ebr t\u00eb interpretuar d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr ndryshime rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore, sepse inercia e partive dallohet edhe tek p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur status quo-n\u00eb e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs.
\nRrjedhimisht shtrohet pyetja, a i duhen qytetar\u00ebve partit\u00eb politike q\u00eb nuk e luajn\u00eb si\u00e7 duhet rolin e tyre n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ?!!!<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu batuta p\u00ebr shk\u00ebrdhatokracin\u00eb e famshme pluri-par\u2013titiste vjen e natyrshme, si fill i kuq q\u00eb potencialisht ose realisht i p\u00ebrshkon t\u00eb gjitha qelizat e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb stalinisto-titiste.
\nP\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuar me optimiz\u00ebm pluralizmin demokratik, duhet n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb sqarohemi n\u00ebse pluripartitokracia e sotme, e pjesshme ose t\u00ebr\u00ebsore, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pjell\u00eb e kultit stalinisto-titist\u00eb, pra n\u00ebse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i praktikave socialiste-vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebse-titiste n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shabllone.<\/p>\n

Ka nga ata q\u00eb e shohin shp\u00ebtimin e deformimeve partiake tek ndikimet e huaja, ndoshta edhe tek globalizimi, q\u00eb shkon p\u00ebrtej logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb partive nacionale. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast mund t\u00eb thuhej se n\u00eb \u201claboratorin Kosov\u00eb\u201d po testohet nj\u00eb variant i ri i pluripartitokracis\u00eb post totalitare komuniste.<\/p>\n

Kur partit\u00eb organizohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb demokratike, brenda kornizave t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb pluraliste, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb ligj\u00ebrisht, pa ambicie monopolizuese e totalitarizuese, luajn\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore. N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn, shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb problem p\u00ebr vet\u00eb jet\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pretendojn\u00eb ta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ta \u201cp\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Thelbi i sistemit demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb qytetari dhe dialogu i qytetarit me t\u00eb ngjashmit e tij,e jo pushteti e monologu. Dialogu \u00ebsht\u00eb thelbi ekspozues i demokracis\u00eb, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrmes tij konvertohet pushteti n\u00eb autoritet dialogues, ku qytetar\u00ebt realizojn\u00eb vetveten e tyre dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt n\u00eb komunitet. Derisa dialogu \u00ebsht\u00eb pjesa thelb\u00ebsore, jo \u00e7do dialog dhe komunikim shtrohet si duhet. Reklama politike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra prej formave komunikuese dhe, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, manipuluese masive e qytetar\u00ebve. Pushteti n\u00eb demokraci ka nj\u00eb status t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb i definuar qart\u00eb, dhe sa m\u00eb i kufizuar q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ai mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb abuzuar me t\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ma i vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n

Dialogu \u00ebsht\u00eb kushti n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb cilit njer\u00ebzit e realizojn\u00eb esenc\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb demokraci. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit nuk mund t\u00eb qeverisen para se t\u00eb debatojn\u00eb lirsh\u00ebm lidhur me formatin dhe rregullat e loj\u00ebs s\u00eb qeverisjes. Ky dialog, pra ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me justifikimin e aktivitetit politik dhe, n\u00eb planin koheziv, lidhet me nj\u00eb kontekst m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb. Pra, konteksti n\u00eb fjal\u00eb siguron q\u00eb politika n\u00eb vetvete t\u00eb mbart nj\u00eb infuzion demokratik dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb permanente t\u00eb justifikohet para popullit,para nj\u00eb opinioni publik real, e jo fiktiv apo si\u00e7 njihet ndryshe publik fantazm\u00eb i ardhur nga diku tjet\u00ebr. P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb e realizuar kjo n\u00eb rrafshin horizontal e praktik, m\u00eb tej, shtron nevoj\u00ebn e krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb opinioni t\u00eb edukuar q\u00eb gjykon politik\u00ebn dhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i aft\u00eb t\u00eb dekodoj\u00eb fjalorin politik\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs,tashmes dhe t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes. M\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht, kjo lidhet me domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e nj\u00eb publiku aktiv q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb barometri kryesor i legjitimitetit.<\/p>\n

Demokracia do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb siguronte disa kushte q\u00eb vet konceptualizmi i saj t\u00eb mos shtremb\u00ebrohej. Nj\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre kushteve q\u00eb demokracia do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb siguronte, q\u00eb shekullarizimi i politik\u00ebs e b\u00ebri t\u00eb mundur at\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb konvertimi i statusit t\u00eb pushtetit. Pra,n\u00eb demokraci pushteti del si nj\u00eb vend i zbraz\u00ebt: at\u00eb s\u2019mund ta mish\u00ebroj m\u00eb asnj\u00eb individ, organ apo parti, askush s\u2019mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb bashk\u00ebsubstancial me t\u00eb. Pushteti,sipas k\u00ebsaj pik\u00ebpamje shihet qart\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201ctok\u00eb e askujt\u201d. Pra, kjo n\u00ebnkupton se demokracia nuk i jep askujt nj\u00eb pushtet premordial-hyjnor n\u00eb aspektin kohor.<\/p>\n

Ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb aty, p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht (pushtetar\u00ebt), jan\u00eb sepse i jan\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar nj\u00eb procedure periodike, p\u00ebrndryshe nuk do t\u00eb ishin ose nuk do t\u00eb ishte vet demokracia. Kjo lidhet me at\u00eb q\u00eb pushteti n\u00eb politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb si paraja n\u00eb ekonomi, ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb pushtetin e kan\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb period\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr dhe q\u00ebndrimi i tyre aty (posti) varet nga rezultatet e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre dhe vler\u00ebsimi q\u00eb do t\u2019u b\u00ebhet k\u00ebtyre rezultateve nga zgjedh\u00ebsit-populli. Sikurse ekonomist\u00ebt q\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb dhe pushtojn\u00eb tregje p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar, ashtu edhe politikan\u00ebt konkurrojn\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtet n\u00eb \u201ctregjet politike\u201dapo t\u00eb quajtura ndryshe zgjedhje periodike. Pra, qeverisja demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb e kufizuar n\u00eb planin kohor n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet zgjedhjeve periodike demokratike dhe mund\u00ebson shp\u00ebtimin e pushtetit nga monopoli si n\u00eb komuniz\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Demokracia e shpreh ekzistenc\u00ebn e vet p\u00ebrmes arsyetimit t\u00eb aktveprimeve politike. Arsyetimi i aktveprimeve politike n\u00eb raport me qytetarin \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshm\u00ebrisht\u00eb i lidhur me legjitimitetin e atyre veprimeve. Ky legjitimitet ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me kapacitetin e sistemit politik n\u00eb fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar veprime,t\u00eb cilat qytetar\u00ebt do t\u2019i konsideronin legjitime dhe t\u00eb drejta. Premisa par\u00ebsore \u00ebsht\u00eb se, n\u00eb demokraci e drejta \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00eb sfer\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm. Pra, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces k\u00ebrkimi, akter\u00ebt politik\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi (politikan\u00ebt, partit\u00eb politike) k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb legjitimitet p\u00ebrmes debatit, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht komunikimit. Fusha (hap\u00ebsira) ku k\u00ebrkohet ky legjitimitet \u00ebsht\u00eb publiku, kurse koha m\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr aktor\u00ebt e sken\u00ebs politike (telepolitikan\u00ebt) n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb k\u00ebtij legjitimitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb fushata parazgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse politikan\u00ebt reduktojn\u00eb k\u00ebrkimin e legjitimitetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb akt elektoral. Legjitimiteti nuk duhet t\u00eb shihet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb priz\u00ebm, si nj\u00eb akt, sepse edhe si i till\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Legjitimiteti nuk paraqet nj\u00eb akt k\u00ebrkim q\u00eb e gjejm\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb. Ai duhet, dhe do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohej vazhdimisht p\u00ebr faktin e thjesht\u00eb se, veprimi politik (ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht sot) \u00ebsht\u00eb veprim i komunikuar, e p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, i mediatizuar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, pushteti (q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb synim i akter\u00ebve politik\u00eb) p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb legjitim duhet ,ose do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb vet pushteti t\u00eb krijon parakushte,ku do t\u00eb debatohej mbi legjitimen dhe jolegjitimen.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ta kuptuar komunikimin politik (gjuh\u00ebn e pushtetit ose gjuh\u00ebn e atyre q\u00eb e synojn\u00eb at\u00eb), q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb komunikim veprimi dhe q\u00eb lidhet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me at\u00eb q\u00eb quhet politik\u00eb simbolike, duhet ta shqyrtojm\u00eb realitetin politik. Realiteti politik, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet i dyfisht\u00eb. Pra, t\u00eb gjitha veprimet politike ndahen n\u00eb mes t\u00eb dimensionit instrumental dhe dimensionit ekspresiv. Dimensioni instrumental (vlera nominale) i realitetit politik karakterizohet p\u00ebrmes efekteve t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb veprimeve politike, kurse dimensioni ekspresiv-shpreh\u00ebs (vlera simbolike) karakterizohet me simbole q\u00eb iu servohen publikut n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb fabrikuar.<\/p>\n

Pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij komunikimi,q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar simbolike, jan\u00eb p.sh: stemat partiake,himnet ,flamujt, karizma e politikanit, buz\u00ebqeshjet koinciduese, shtr\u00ebngimi i duarve, etj. Dimensioni ekspresiv i veprimit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur pazgjidhshm\u00ebrisht me politik\u00ebn simbolike dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr ta kuptuar komunikimin politik n\u00eb rrethanat konkrete. Dhe, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto dimensione lidhen me mediat dhe rolin e tyre. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast,qytetar\u00ebt mund t\u00eb pyesin: a \u00ebsht\u00eb politika simbolike produkt i n\u00ebnshtrimit mediatik, pra a b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cmediatizuar\u201d, t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar nga mediat, q\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb po e humb\u00eb kuptimin e saj (sidomos gjat\u00eb fushatave zgjedhore, ku rregullat vendosen nga mediator\u00ebt)?<\/p>\n

Pra, politika simbolike ,s\u00eb pari, \u00ebsht\u00eb realitet i \u00e7do shoq\u00ebrie politike q\u00eb nga fillimi i veprimit politik. S\u00eb dyti,politika simbolike bashk\u00ebkohore ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb proporcionalitet t\u00eb zhdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e realitetit politik sot, pra ka nj\u00eb proporcionalitet t\u00eb zhdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb raport me dimensionin instrumental (veprimet konkrete politike) dhe, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, jan\u00eb krijuar simbole t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb veprimit t\u00eb instrumenteve mediatike, q\u00eb shpesh quhet edhe pushtet masmediatik.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb realitetin faktik, simbolet p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin politik nd\u00ebrmjet akter\u00ebve politik (politikan\u00ebve,partive politike,etj.) dhe telepublikut p\u00ebrmes reklamave mediale. K\u00ebto reklama mund t\u00eb pasqyrohen si manipuluese, ku qytetari mund t\u00eb humb\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e tij dalluese n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konfuzion t\u00eb mjegullt dhe, pse jo, manipulues n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e nevojave t\u00eb tij. Metafor\u00ebn e reklam\u00ebs e p\u00ebrdor edhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i demokracis\u00eb minimaliste, ku politikan\u00ebt i vendos n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn paralele me tregtar\u00ebt dhe, sipas tij, q\u00eb t\u00eb dy e p\u00ebrdorin reklam\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb prekur indin emocional , emotiv, impulsiv t\u00eb qytetarit.<\/p>\n

Qytetari, posa hyn\u00eb n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb informacionit burimor p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn e analiz\u00ebs s\u00eb tij politike, gjykon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb adoleshente,f\u00ebmij\u00ebrore. Pra, shikuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb linj\u00eb diskursi mund t\u00eb afirmohet se politika dhe telepolitikan\u00ebt (pra, k\u00ebtu b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr prezantuesit e politik\u00ebs, jo politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit) jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga realiteti esencial, duke substituar agjendat politike me inskenime mediatike (apo bashk\u00ebrenduar ato), dhe duke krijuar imazhe t\u00eb paqena dhe identitete fiktive, e q\u00eb e t\u00ebra akordohet me nj\u00eb telepublik politikisht pasiv dhe q\u00eb e kupton pak\u00eb apo aspak politik\u00ebn. Pra, shikuar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, k\u00ebto agjenda t\u00eb bashk\u00ebrenduara me inskenime politike ngjasojn\u00eb si nj\u00eb katalog, recet\u00eb, kod apo plan\u201dhyjnor\u201d q\u00eb zbatohen ose synohet t\u00eb zbatohen n\u00eb tok\u00eb. Par\u00eb si t\u00ebr\u00ebsi k\u00ebto agjenda premtimesh p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb: fjal\u00eb, intelektualizma, simbole, fraza josubstanciale, premtime, supozime, dispozime p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bot\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, mund t\u00eb konkludohet se politika simbolike \u00ebsht\u00eb e pashmangshme p\u00ebr \u00e7do realitet politik, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet s\u00eb cil\u00ebs telepolitikan\u00ebt jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb socializojn\u00eb dhe formojn\u00eb nj\u00eb vullnet politik. Akter\u00ebt politik\u00eb me an\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj politike simbolike reflektojn\u00eb emocionet e publikut, e q\u00eb e t\u00ebra ng\u00ebrthen atraktivitet, pse jo shpesh her\u00eb, edhe zbavitje, edhe pse nga politika k\u00ebrkohet p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, seriozitet, e jo zbavitje.<\/p>\n

Meqen\u00ebse politika \u00ebsht\u00eb komplekse p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve, pra nj\u00eb sistem me shum\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura, prezantimi i politik\u00ebs para opinionit publik b\u00ebhet n\u00eb form\u00eb ritualesh, stereotipash, skemash, simbolesh q\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranuara nga publiku.
\nP\u00ebrderisa politika simbolike paraqitet si politik\u00eb simbolesh, ritualesh, pak a shum\u00eb t\u00eb kuptueshme, simbole q\u00eb jan\u00eb publikisht t\u00eb pranuara nga realiteti publik, veprimi politik mbetet n\u00eb terr prapa sken\u00ebs s\u00eb mediave.<\/p>\n

Pra,demokracia e mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb teknik\u00eb politike q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi kushtesh. Konvertimi i statusit t\u00eb pushtetit, ose formula gjith\u00eb pushteti askujt, minon mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb abuzuar me pushtet, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb thembra e Akilit n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri politike parademokratike.
\nDialogu me qytetarin drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti, ekspozon kushtin thelb\u00ebsor q\u00eb ushqen demokracin\u00eb me legjitimitet, dhe fusha ku k\u00ebrkohet ky i fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb opinioni publik, kurse koha m\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme \u00ebsht\u00eb fushata parazgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Gjilan, 06 qershor 2014<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Isuf Bajrami N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr pluripartitiz\u00ebm, ndon\u00ebse kjo paraqet disa ve\u00e7ori q\u00eb e dallojn\u00eb nga dukurit\u00eb e ngjashme n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera evropiane. Duke pasur parasysh ve\u00e7orit\u00eb e \u00e7do vendi, do t\u00eb ishte e habitshme n\u00eb fakt e kund\u00ebrta, pra sikur pluripartitizmi politik t\u00eb mos prezantohej alla kosovar\u00e7e. Pluripartitizmi merr form\u00eb n\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-13589","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\nPARTITOKRACIZMI POLITIK ME PARAVEPRIME DHE NGJYRA PLURIPARTITISTE - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/partitokracizmi-politik-me-paraveprime-dhe-ngjyra-pluripartitiste\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"PARTITOKRACIZMI POLITIK ME PARAVEPRIME DHE NGJYRA PLURIPARTITISTE - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Isuf Bajrami N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr pluripartitiz\u00ebm, ndon\u00ebse kjo paraqet disa ve\u00e7ori q\u00eb e dallojn\u00eb nga dukurit\u00eb e ngjashme n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera evropiane. 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