{"id":12870,"date":"2013-06-20T21:13:02","date_gmt":"2013-06-20T20:13:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.info\/?p=3260"},"modified":"2013-06-20T21:13:02","modified_gmt":"2013-06-20T20:13:02","slug":"zgjedhjet-ne-shqiperi-humbja-dhe-fitorja-e-gjysmes-tjeter","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/zgjedhjet-ne-shqiperi-humbja-dhe-fitorja-e-gjysmes-tjeter\/","title":{"rendered":"Zgjedhjet n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\/ Humbja dhe fitorja e gjysm\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Nga Veton Surroi<\/strong>, 20 Qershor 2013<\/em><\/p>\n

1<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb hyrje t\u00eb qyteteve e qytezave t\u00eb provinc\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, bulevardet tregojn\u00eb nj\u00eb disiplin\u00eb t\u00eb hekurt t\u00eb mendjes s\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb. Flamujt e blloqeve partiake jan\u00eb t\u00eb renditura me barazi t\u00eb plot\u00eb pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshe, aq t\u00eb plot\u00eb sa n\u00eb k\u00ebto kuota pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi dikush do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ulur dhe llogaritur se sa flamuj duhet t\u2019i ken\u00eb edhe aleat\u00ebt e vegj\u00ebl, t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm apo potencial.<\/p>\n

Disiplina e hekurt e bulevardeve, p\u00ebr aq sa jan\u00eb bulevarde, t\u00eb qyteteve dhe qytezave, tregon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb besim kolektiv se vendi \u00ebsht\u00eb ndar\u00eb dysh, n\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00eb. Se her\u00eb vijn\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet nj\u00ebra pal\u00eb, e her\u00eb tjetra. Se k\u00ebshtu do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb edhe k\u00ebso here: se ka gjas\u00eb ta marr\u00eb pushtetin ajo pal\u00eb q\u00eb e ka, e mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb ta marrin ata q\u00eb ishin n\u00eb opozit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe se bulevardet kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb rezultati, n\u00eb pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb rasteve.<\/p>\n

2<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Problemi i bulevardeve \u00ebsht\u00eb tek ai pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin nuk kishin t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Sepse, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ai q\u00eb fiton n\u00eb zgjedhje, i fiton t\u00eb gjitha, dhe ai q\u00eb humbet n\u00eb zgjedhje, i humbet t\u00eb gjitha.<\/p>\n

Ai q\u00eb fiton, tradicionalisht, shp\u00ebrfill \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb opozita, dhe \u00e7do her\u00eb q\u00eb dikush e ngre k\u00ebt\u00eb si problem e merr p\u00ebrgjigjen se ai q\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb gj\u00eb, le t\u2019i fitoj\u00eb votat n\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme.<\/p>\n

Dhe ai q\u00eb fiton, tradicionalisht, ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb shtetin ta konsideroj\u00eb t\u00eb vetin: prej pun\u00ebsimit t\u00eb portier\u00ebve n\u00eb ministri, d\u00ebrgimit t\u00eb ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb bot\u00eb e deri te kontrolli i duksh\u00ebm apo i paduksh\u00ebm i gjyq\u00ebsorit.<\/p>\n

Ai q\u00eb humbet, mbetet me satisfaksionin e atyre q\u00eb hyn\u00eb n\u00eb Grupin parlamentar, druajtjen se si do t\u00eb mbijetojn\u00eb n\u00eb kat\u00ebr vitet e ardhshme, dijenin\u00eb depresive se pala fituese do t\u2019ia b\u00ebj\u00eb jet\u00ebn bezdis\u00ebse kund\u00ebrshtarit po aq sa ia b\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebta vet\u00eb kur ishin n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n

3<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi i humbur paraqet problem p\u00ebr bulevardet e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbahen t\u00eb diel\u00ebn, m\u00eb 23 qershor.<\/p>\n

Vendi nuk ka precedenc\u00eb zgjedhjesh t\u00eb drejta e t\u00eb pranueshme nga nj\u00eb standard bazik demokratik.<\/p>\n

Pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi i humbur ka arsye, jo vet\u00ebm ato t\u00eb shpikura, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos pranuar humbjen. Mund t\u00eb nxjerr si argument faktin se vendi hyri n\u00eb proces zgjedhor pa e kompletuar KQZ-n\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb nxjerr si argument faktin se edhe po t\u00eb ishte kompletuar, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb sillej sikur n\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara bashkiake, e t\u00eb vendoste rregulla t\u00eb reja num\u00ebrimi pasi t\u00eb ket\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar num\u00ebrimi e q\u00eb, si n\u00eb rastin e Tiran\u00ebs, nuk doli t\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i favorsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00ebr\u00ebn forc\u00eb politike- derisa nuk u nd\u00ebrruan rregullat e loj\u00ebs. Mund t\u00eb nxjerr si argument faktin se nuk do t\u2019i njoh\u00eb rezultatet e zgjedhjeve p\u00ebr arsye se dikush e ka \u201cbler\u00eb\u201d k\u00ebt\u00eb apo at\u00eb komisioner. Mund t\u00eb nxjerr argumente ideologjike: zgjedhjet u manipuluan nga komunist\u00ebt; do t\u00eb gjendet n\u00eb \u00e7do pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebsh dikush q\u00eb dikur ka qen\u00eb komunist.<\/p>\n

4<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Bulevardet e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, rrjedhimisht, e kan\u00eb problem 24 qershorin.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse n\u00ebp\u00ebr bulevarde, si\u00e7 po ndihet ashtu si m\u00eb 2005, po shtrihet ndjenja e nevoj\u00ebs s\u00eb rotacionit politik, pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi q\u00eb duhet ta l\u00ebr\u00eb pushtetin mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb me rregull demokratik vet\u00ebm po qe se bindet vet\u00eb se pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi i p\u00ebrkrahjes s\u00eb supozuar \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr dyzet\u00ebshit.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse n\u00ebp\u00ebr bulevarde, si\u00e7 po ndihet ashtu si m\u00eb 2005, po shtrihet ndjenja e nevoj\u00ebs s\u00eb rotacionit politik, pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi i cili mban fanell\u00ebn e rotacionit do t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rezultat zgjedhor, at\u00eb t\u00eb fitores.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse gj\u00ebrat jan\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, bulevardet e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb mbuluara nga nj\u00eb ng\u00ebr\u00e7, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje emocionale q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyese.<\/p>\n

5<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Pse duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb problematik 24 qershori, dita pas zgjedhjeve, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend an\u00ebtar t\u00eb NATO-s?<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb paradoksit q\u00eb mban brenda ky an\u00ebtar i NATO-s. Nj\u00ebzetedy vjet pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb komunizmit, vendi nuk ka arritur t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb pragun e kritereve bazike t\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs, pragun q\u00eb ndajn\u00eb demokracit\u00eb funksionale prej formave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb jet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nuk arrin t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira dhe t\u00eb drejta, t\u00eb pranueshme prej t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebve pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse dhe bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Nuk arrin t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsi t\u00eb pavarur q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb sanksiononte t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe, kur njer\u00ebzit dalin n\u00eb rrug\u00eb \u2013 n\u00eb form\u00eb kaotike apo jokaotike, me gur\u00eb e ombrella n\u00eb duar, apo pa to fare \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb protestuar kund\u00ebr k\u00ebso sistemi qeverisjeje, nuk arrin t\u2019u garantoj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn bazike, t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e jet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

E k\u00ebtill\u00eb, Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr identitetit t\u00eb \u201ckrahut jugor\u201d t\u00eb NATO-s, t\u00eb vendeve si Spanja, Greqia apo Turqia, q\u00eb kur u pranuan n\u00eb NATO nuk ishin demokraci funksionale, por q\u00eb duke qen\u00eb brenda Aleanc\u00ebs arrit\u00ebn t\u00eb transformohen pozitivisht. \u00cbsht\u00eb m\u00eb larg, bukur m\u00eb larg an\u00ebtareve si Polonia q\u00eb fillimisht u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb demokraci funksionale e pastaj n\u00eb shtet an\u00ebtar t\u00eb NATO-s.<\/p>\n

6<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh historik krahasuar me Spanj\u00ebn apo Greqin\u00eb. Sado jodemokratike t\u00eb jen\u00eb disa prej formave t\u00eb qeverisjes aktuale n\u00eb vend, nuk mund, as p\u00ebr s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi, t\u2019u vihet shenja barazimi me regjimin frankist apo me junt\u00ebn ushtarake greke.<\/p>\n

Por \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb avantazhi, rrjedha e m\u00ebtejme e transformimit \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb: do ndryshuar format e qeverisjes jodemokratike, dhe n\u00ebse k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebn forca q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq vendin, at\u00ebher\u00eb do nd\u00ebrruar at\u00eb forc\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb n\u00eb anglishte prej koh\u00ebsh quhet \u201cregime change\u201d (me e pa konotacione negative t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs \u201cregime\u201d) vlen edhe p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, si p\u00ebr \u00e7do vend tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb tranzicionit.<\/p>\n

Sepse, edhe po t\u2019i kishte fituar zgjedhjet krejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb form\u00eb legjitime, n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb drejta, qeverisja e tanishme nuk mund t\u2019i jepte vetes t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e z\u00ebnies s\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb shtetit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe at\u00eb t\u00eb sfer\u00ebs s\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit.<\/p>\n

Sepse, edhe po t\u2019i kishte fituar zgjedhjet krejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb form\u00eb legjitime, n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb drejta, qeverisja e tanishme nuk mund t\u2019i jepte vetes t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb vriste njer\u00ebz q\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb arsye tjet\u00ebr kishin shprehur pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb demonstrative me qeverisjen.<\/p>\n

Sepse, edhe po t\u2019i kishte fituar zgjedhjet krejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb form\u00eb legjitime, n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb drejta, qeverisja e tanishme nuk mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillte at\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

7<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

OK, t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqemi t\u00eb rikapitulojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjali t\u00eb zgjeruar definicionin e deritanish\u00ebm t\u00eb vendit para zgjedhjeve: Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vend jo krejt\u00ebsisht demokratik, an\u00ebtar i NATO-s, aspirant p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, me forca politike t\u00eb polarizuara, n\u00eb nj\u00eb tranzicion nj\u00ebzetedyvje\u00e7ar, pa precedenc\u00eb zgjedhjesh demokratike e as institucionesh t\u00eb pavarura q\u00eb mund t\u00eb luajn\u00eb rolin e arbitrit n\u00eb zgjidhjen e konflikteve.<\/p>\n

Po t\u00eb jet\u00eb i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ky definicion, dhe, m\u00eb 24 qershor kemi nj\u00eb proces problematik (n\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb) apo konfliktuoz (n\u00eb versionin m\u00eb t\u00eb vrazhd\u00eb) t\u00eb interpretimit se si rrodh\u00ebn k\u00ebto zgjedhje, kush do ta luaj\u00eb rolin e arbitrit?<\/p>\n

V\u00ebshtir\u00eb se k\u00ebt\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebj\u00eb sistemi i gjyq\u00ebsis\u00eb. Ai tashm\u00eb ka treguar shenja t\u00eb mjaftueshme zaptimi nga ana e pushtetit ekzekutiv sa q\u00eb p\u00ebr s\u00eb paku gjysm\u00ebn e vendit nuk ka kredibilitet.<\/p>\n

Mbetet vet\u00ebm ajo q\u00eb quhet \u201cbashk\u00ebsi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d, apo zb\u00ebrthyer n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb praktike diplomacia amerikane e shoq\u00ebruar nga ajo e BE-s\u00eb (apo e vendeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta e me ndikim t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb).<\/p>\n

Mbetet ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb shtegdalje p\u00ebr \u00e7do problem historik shqiptar: k\u00ebrkes\u00eb ndihme prej s\u00eb jashti, duke d\u00ebshmuar paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (apo shoq\u00ebrive) shqiptare p\u00ebr t\u2019i zgjidhur problemet e veta t\u00eb brendshme.<\/p>\n

8<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Fatura p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha mang\u00ebsit\u00eb e sotme e t\u00eb kaluara n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, natyrisht, i paraqiten tranzicionit. Edhe te v\u00ebzhguesit e brendsh\u00ebm, e edhe te nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt, ekziston nj\u00eb leht\u00ebsi me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u00e7do gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e n\u00ebnkuptueshme brenda \u201ctranzicionit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Por, k\u00ebtu kemi tre probleme.<\/p>\n

I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u201ctranzicioni\u201d zgjat nj\u00ebzetedy vjet, pra tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb disa gjenerata q\u00eb kan\u00eb lindur e rritur n\u00eb \u201ctranzicion\u201d e q\u00eb votojn\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje \u201ctranzicionale\u201d pa e ditur fundin e k\u00ebtij procesi.<\/p>\n

I dyti \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb bazike politikologjike, \u201ctranzicioni\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e trehap\u00ebshit: nd\u00ebrrim regjimi-konsolidim-tranzicion. Shqip\u00ebria, p\u00ebr s\u00eb paku gjysm\u00ebn e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, gjendet s\u00ebrish para hapit t\u00eb par\u00eb, pra nd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb regjimit, p\u00ebrzier me faza t\u00eb m\u00ebhershme konsolidimi dhe me faza t\u00eb m\u00ebhershme tranzicioni.<\/p>\n

Dhe, problemi i tret\u00eb: kur do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb tranzicioni? Kur do t\u00eb mund ta quaj\u00eb veten Shqip\u00ebria shtet normal?<\/p>\n

9<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjen p\u00ebr pyetjen se kur do t\u00eb mund ta quaj\u00eb veten Shqip\u00ebria shtet normal, apo kur do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb tranzicioni nuk mund ta japin as teorit\u00eb e studimeve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj materie (ekzistojn\u00eb mendime divergjente) e as ndonj\u00eb arbit\u00ebr i madh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, si\u00e7 jemi m\u00ebsuar shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, t\u00eb vetmit q\u00eb mund t\u00eb japin k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje jan\u00eb vet\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt. Jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb mund t\u00eb japin vizionin e vet t\u00eb ardhm\u00ebris\u00eb (si\u00e7 nuk e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb), jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb mund t\u00eb projektojn\u00eb hapat q\u00eb do nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb tejkaluar zaptimin e shtetit (si\u00e7 nuk e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb) dhe jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm shqiptar\u00ebt ata q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb (si\u00e7 nuk e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb) se cil\u00ebn dit\u00eb mund ta quajn\u00eb ata vet\u00eb fund t\u00eb tranzicionit.<\/p>\n

Sepse, edhe mund ta ken\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb, por e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7, \u00e7donj\u00ebri p\u00ebr forc\u00ebn e vet politike, p\u00ebr gjysm\u00ebn e vet. Kund\u00ebr gjysm\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

10<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Dita e 24 qershorit mund t\u00eb gdhij\u00eb me gjasa t\u00eb vogla q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u2019i japin p\u00ebrgjigje pyetjes p\u00ebr normalitetin e shtetit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Po t\u00eb anoj\u00eb balansi kah gjysma e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar nga Sali Berisha, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb pothuajse deri n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsi t\u00eb jepet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje e k\u00ebtill\u00eb. Kjo gjysm\u00eb i ka pasur tet\u00eb vitet e kaluara p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar konsensusin, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjeve p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb si nj\u00eb shtet normal. Do t\u00eb jet\u00eb tejet e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb pushtet i k\u00ebtill\u00eb t\u00eb filloj\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7montoj\u00eb modelin e zaptimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb perfeksionuar n\u00eb tet\u00eb vitet e kaluara.<\/p>\n

Po t\u00eb anoj\u00eb balansi kah gjysma e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar nga Edi Rama (me gjith\u00eb bagazhin e qeverisjes s\u00eb kaluar tet\u00ebvje\u00e7are q\u00eb bart me vete), do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, por jo e pamundur, p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar konsensusin shoq\u00ebror, p\u00ebr t\u00eb identifikuar hapat deri te fundi i tranzicionit.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse Edi Rama ka besim se gjysma e tij do t\u2019i fitoj\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje, ndoshta po aq sa me menaxhimin e mjegull\u00ebs eventuale t\u00eb 24 qershorit dhe me fjalimin e vet prej fituesi do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohej q\u00eb tash t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb paket\u00eb t\u00eb re.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb paket\u00eb ku identifikon konkretisht se ku mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb konsensus p\u00ebr ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e vendit me partin\u00eb apo partit\u00eb konkurrente.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb paket\u00eb drejtuar gjysm\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr, asaj q\u00eb nuk guxon t\u00eb mbetet n\u00eb gjendjen tradicionale t\u00eb humb\u00ebsit t\u00eb gjith\u00e7kaje, t\u00eb vetushqyer me shpres\u00ebn se nj\u00eb dit\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb fitues i gjith\u00e7kaje.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Veton Surroi, 20 Qershor 2013 1. N\u00eb hyrje t\u00eb qyteteve e qytezave t\u00eb provinc\u00ebs n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, bulevardet tregojn\u00eb nj\u00eb disiplin\u00eb t\u00eb hekurt t\u00eb mendjes s\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb. 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