{"id":12049,"date":"2012-08-26T09:44:30","date_gmt":"2012-08-26T08:44:30","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=4679"},"modified":"2012-08-26T09:44:30","modified_gmt":"2012-08-26T08:44:30","slug":"drejt-nje-poli-te-trete","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/drejt-nje-poli-te-trete\/","title":{"rendered":"Drejt nj\u00eb poli t\u00eb tret\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" ResPublica.al<\/strong>, 26 gusht 2012 <\/em><\/p>\n

Flasin analist\u00ebt Mustafa Nano, Armand Shkullaku, Shp\u00ebtim Nazarko, Sokol Balla dhe Afrim Krasniqi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Motor\u00ebt elektoral\u00eb jan\u00eb ende duke u ngrohur n\u00eb dy kampet e m\u00ebdha. N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb duket se asgj\u00eb nuk l\u00ebviz dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb presin shtatorin. Por ata q\u00eb i njohin mir\u00eb zgjedhjet e din\u00eb se llogarit\u00eb kan\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb nisur t\u00eb b\u00ebhen. N\u00ebse p\u00ebr programet elektorale dhe qeveris\u00ebse, p\u00ebr premtimet p\u00ebr vazhdim\u00ebsi apo ndryshim, p\u00ebr arritjet q\u00eb duhen amplifikuar apo d\u00ebshtimet q\u00eb duhen evidentuar, shtabet elektorale kan\u00eb ende disa muaj koh\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb nuk pret shum\u00eb duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhja e dilem\u00ebs: Me k\u00eb do t\u00eb jemi n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje dhe kund\u00ebr kujt?\u201d<\/p>\n

E stimuluar shum\u00eb nga sistemi zgjedhor q\u00eb n\u00eb 2009-\u00ebn tregoi se fitues del jo partia m\u00eb e madhe, por koalicioni m\u00eb i madh, llogaritja e \u00e7do vote, k\u00ebrkimi i \u00e7do aleati t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb debat q\u00eb zien brenda partive. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo kjo pyetje r\u00ebndon mbi kok\u00ebn e Bamir Topit dhe Kreshnik Spahiut. Dy partit\u00eb e reja, Fryma e Re Demokratike dhe Aleanca Kuq e ZI deri tani jan\u00eb munduar q\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb profilin e tyre; e para djathtas, duke synuar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e shtresave shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb z\u00eb, apo q\u00eb jan\u00eb harruar nga kjo qeverisje dhe AK-ja duke atakuar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb tranzicionin 22-vje\u00e7ar. Por n\u00eb fund t\u00eb dit\u00ebs, si Topi dhe Spahiu n\u00ebn diktatin e sistemit zgjedhor do t\u00eb duhen t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb zgjidhjen e tyre; Konkurrim si koalicion m\u00eb vete, pra nj\u00eb pol i tret\u00eb apo bashkim me PS-n\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb Front t\u00eb gjer\u00eb opozitar?<\/p>\n

Mapo iu drejtua p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb disa prej analist\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur n\u00eb vend.<\/em><\/p>\n

Mustafa Nano: Pse s\u2019 ka gjasa t\u00eb krijohet fronti i gjer\u00eb opozitar <\/em> <\/strong><\/p>\n

Kam artikuluar nj\u00eb tez\u00eb timen para ca koh\u00ebsh, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, me synimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb humb\u00eb n\u00eb tollovin\u00eb mediatike, e formulova n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb provokative t\u00eb mundshme: \u201cJemi p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi, dhe n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb tilla, deri dhe \u00e7do qelb\u00ebsir\u00eb q\u00eb ka arsyet e veta t\u00eb jet\u00eb kund\u00ebr regjimit, duhet par\u00eb si nj\u00eb resurs opozitar\u201d. Dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb e kam th\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se Berisha t\u00eb merrte presidenc\u00ebn dhe SHISH-in. Rrjedhimisht, merret vesh se, po t\u00eb varej nga un\u00eb, do t\u00eb inkurajoja q\u00eb \u00e7\u2019ke me t\u00eb nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb parazgjedhore t\u00eb dy partive t\u00eb reja me partin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ka gjasa q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb b\u00ebhet realitet? Nuk duket se ka gjasa, pasi PS-ja nuk ka charm-in p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndjell\u00eb, dhe FRD-ja e AK-ja jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna pas nj\u00eb identiteti t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb supozuar e t\u00eb pretenduar, e para si nj\u00eb parti e qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe e dyta, si nj\u00eb parti kund\u00ebr sistemit e rendit t\u00eb gj\u00ebrave. Sikur t\u00eb kisha mund\u00ebsi, do t\u2019i bindja k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit (ngaq\u00eb PS-n\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebj dot m\u00eb charm-ante), se beteja kund\u00ebr regjimit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se \u00e7do merak identitar, dhe se \u00e7do kompleks i tyre p\u00ebrball\u00eb sulmeve e akuzave q\u00eb mund t\u2019u vin\u00eb nga regjimi p\u00ebr \u201cbashk\u00ebpunim me t\u00eb majt\u00ebt\u201d.<\/p>\n

E n\u00eb rrethanat q\u00eb nuk do t\u2019i bindja, s\u2019do mend q\u00eb do t\u00eb inkurajoja krijimin e nj\u00eb poli t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00eb. Por n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mes nuk kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb inkurajim nga jasht\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb vet\u00eb Kodi Elektoral q\u00eb i detyron t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje ose si nj\u00eb pol i gjer\u00eb i tret\u00eb, ose si nj\u00eb front i gjer\u00eb opozitar. Alternativa e tret\u00eb, dihet cila \u00ebsht\u00eb: d\u00ebshtimi total i tyre.<\/p>\n

Armand Shkullaku: Poli i tret\u00eb, aventur\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Fillimisht duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se si l\u00ebvizje politike, si element\u00eb q\u00eb i shtohen pluralizmit shqiptar, k\u00ebtu dy parti e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj pozitiviteti. Sa i takon rezultatit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb zgjedhje, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb her\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb parashikime. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb zgjedhjet e para ku ato konkurrojn\u00eb dhe mendoj \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb pak koh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb gjurm\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb rezultatet e 2013-\u00ebs. Sa i takon formimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb poli t\u00eb tret\u00eb, do t\u00eb thosha se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb aventur\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, dhe nuk ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndodhur. K\u00ebto parti, ose do tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koalicion me nj\u00eb parti m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb sipas gjasave, ose sipas asaj q\u00eb pam\u00eb n\u00eb deklaratat e fundit t\u00eb Kreshnik Spahiut, AK duket m\u00eb af\u00ebr me nj\u00eb afrim me Partin\u00eb Socialiste, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb kjo e fundit po v\u00ebren se ka nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb aleat\u00ebsh dhe partish t\u00eb vogla rreth saj, gj\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb rezultatin e zgjedhjeve.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr sa i takon z. Topi, kam p\u00ebrshtypjen q\u00eb partia e tij, Fryma e Re Demokratike, do t\u00eb provoj\u00eb forcat, do t\u00eb matet e vetme n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje, dhe pas tyre n\u00ebse arrin nj\u00eb rezultat t\u00eb shohin sesi do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin ndonj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm q\u00eb mund t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje.<\/p>\n

Por p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb pol t\u00eb ri politik, nuk mjafton vet\u00ebm ideja. Pavar\u00ebsisht se si Aleanca Kuq e Zi, si Fryma e Re Demokratike mundohen q\u00eb t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur, q\u00eb jan\u00eb parti m\u00eb vete, anti-berishizmi i \u00e7on dashje pa dashje n\u00eb oborrin e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs. Por q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb rezultat t\u00eb lart\u00eb elektoral, m\u00eb duket pak e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb\u2026<\/p>\n

Sokol Balla: FRD dhe AK duhet t\u00eb thon\u00eb SOT se KUND\u00cbR kujt jan\u00eb<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Varet cili \u00ebsht\u00eb prioriteti i tyre: n\u00ebse jan\u00eb opozit\u00eb apo n\u00ebse jan\u00eb edhe opozita e opozit\u00ebs. Opinioni publik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb duksh\u00ebm i ndar\u00eb n\u00eb dysh, dhjet\u00eb muaj para zgjedhjeve. Ai do ndahet edhe m\u00eb fort n\u00eb muajt q\u00eb pasojn\u00eb. P\u00ebr momentin, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje, ky opinion publik nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb ushqehet me iden\u00eb: ky \u00ebsht\u00eb i keq, po edhe ky tjetri\u2026Njer\u00ebzit duan t\u00eb din\u00eb n\u00ebse Berisha \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i mir\u00eb se Rama, apo m\u00eb i keq se ai. Poli i ri politik q\u00eb po lind, mund ta qart\u00ebsoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dilem\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Partia Socialiste nuk po i ndihmon dot, pasi qoft\u00eb sondazhet, qoft\u00eb bindja e p\u00ebrgjithshme, tregojn\u00eb se megjith\u00ebse ajo i fiton zgjedhjet, nuk b\u00ebn dot diferenc\u00ebn e dukshme dhe t\u00eb padukshme. Pra nuk akaparon dot gjith\u00eb frym\u00ebn opozitare n\u00eb vend dhe nuk siguron dot diferenc\u00eb t\u00eb bollshme votash, q\u00eb t\u00eb asgj\u00ebsoj\u00eb \u201caksionin elektoral\u201d q\u00eb tashm\u00eb PD ka specialitet dit\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve. Grupimet e reja drejtohen nga politikan\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm, si Bamir Topi, i cili n\u00ebse zgjedhjet mbaheshin sot, do t\u00eb kishte t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn ose t\u00eb af\u00ebrt, pesh\u00ebn specifike politike, ashtu si Rama e ndoshta dhe Berisha, por pa diskutim m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se Meta.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto grupime, ku t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb po besojn\u00eb, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Aleanca Kuqezi, duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb thon\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb ende her\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb me k\u00eb do b\u00ebjn\u00eb aleanc\u00eb; ato duhet t\u00eb thon\u00eb SOT se KUND\u00cbR kujt jan\u00eb. T\u00eb tjerat m\u00eb von\u00eb, do jen\u00eb thjesht llogari matematike. N\u00ebse k\u00ebtyre grupimeve p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb formul\u00ebs elektorale dhe asgj\u00ebje tjet\u00ebr u intereson t\u00eb futen vet\u00ebm apo n\u00eb koalicion me dik\u00eb. Sa koh\u00eb debati i aleancave vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb politik, k\u00ebto grupime kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb pa nisur: sepse duhet t\u00eb lindnin p\u00ebr \u201cshkak\u201d t\u00eb Berish\u00ebs e jo t\u00eb siguronin q\u00ebndrimin e tij n\u00eb pushtet, politikisht dhe matematikisht. Kur debatin ta kthejn\u00eb me sukses n\u00eb diskutim matematik, at\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr \u201crrezikun\u201d q\u00eb ata paraqesin p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin. P\u00ebr \u201cshkak\u201d t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs, sigurisht.<\/p>\n

Shp\u00ebtim Nazarko<\/strong>: LSI precizon konturimin e koalicioneve<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar frym\u00ebn apo m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e rreshtimit t\u00eb partive t\u00eb ndryshme nuk mund t\u00eb gjykosh apriori. Baza e t\u00eb menduarit p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb problem vjen nga kuptimi i sistemit zgjedhor. Ky i fundit i jep p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi koalicioneve duke e precizuar avantazhin p\u00ebr partin\u00eb e par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb tyre. Partit\u00eb e tjera n\u00eb radh\u00eb pas dy t\u00eb parave kan\u00eb probleme t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Mbi baz\u00ebn e sa tham\u00eb m\u00eb lart, shikohet spektri i dy partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. N\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00eb q\u00ebndron LSI dhe PDIU. N\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb pas PS q\u00ebndron PBDNJ. Duke u nisur nga sistemi zgjedhor duket evidente se taktikat e zgjedhura do t\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga q\u00ebndrimi i LSI-s\u00eb. N\u00ebse p.sh, ajo rri djathtas, at\u00ebher\u00eb PDIU do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e dyta n\u00eb nj\u00eb front tjet\u00ebr. Po ku? N\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb PBDNJ, e cila nuk rri dot n\u00eb nj\u00eb front. Ka shum\u00eb variacione mbi tem\u00ebn, por thuajse t\u00eb gjitha jan\u00eb derivate q\u00eb vijn\u00eb prej sistemit zgjedhor q\u00eb do t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb rreshtimin e pal\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Besoj se FRD do t\u00eb tentoj\u00eb qendr\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb grumbulloj\u00eb rreth vetes partit\u00eb e dyta q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb vend si t\u00eb dyta as majtas dhe as djathtas. Po ky p\u00ebrcaktim vjen nga q\u00ebndrimi p\u00ebrfundimtar i LSI. Ajo precizon m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e konturimit t\u00eb koalicioneve.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq nuk kam shum\u00eb dyshime se edhe Poli i Qendr\u00ebs n\u00ebse formohet do t\u2019i bashk\u00ebngjitet fituesve, q\u00eb besoj do t\u00eb jet\u00eb Opozita n\u00eb rastin normal. Nuk besoj t\u2019i v\u00ebr\u00eb njeri serioz kartat politike te nj\u00eb qeveri e konsumuar dhe pa para, q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb ec\u00eb dot m\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb besoj q\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme do t\u00eb kemi tollovi p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb q\u00eb ka falimentuar dhe \u00e7do rreshtim ka vler\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme. Shqip\u00ebria do t\u00eb notoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb mosqeverisjeje, kushdo q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Afrim Krasniqi<\/strong>: FRD e AK, diferencim nga partit\u00eb e vjetra, ndryshe rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb zhduken<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Un\u00eb mendoj se jan\u00eb dy faktor\u00eb q\u00eb pamund\u00ebsojn\u00eb ndarjen e politik\u00ebs n\u00eb dy grupime dhe shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb nj\u00eb grupimi t\u00eb tret\u00eb konkurrues ndaj partive t\u00eb vjetra. Faktori i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb politik: ekziston nj\u00eb frym\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjimi dhe lodhjeje tek mazhoranca dhe opozita, programet dhe lider\u00ebt e tyre nuk frym\u00ebzojn\u00eb m\u00eb, nuk japin shpres\u00eb dhe as siguri dhe se nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb qytetare mir\u00ebpret nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb re, fytyra dhe sjellje politike t\u00eb reja, t\u00eb cilat t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetarin sesa p\u00ebr pushtetin personal. Dy pal\u00ebt kan\u00eb s\u00eb bashku rreth 1.2 milion vota, dhe n\u00ebse numri i votuesve rritet, nuk ka asnj\u00eb arsye t\u00eb besohet se ato vota do t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb tek k\u00ebto pal\u00eb, por tek grupet e reja politike. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fenomen rajonal, nj\u00eb trend zhvillimi dhe nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr sistemin ton\u00eb politik.<\/p>\n

Grupet e reja kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb diferencohen nga partit\u00eb e vjetra, ndryshe rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht identitetin e tyre, baz\u00ebn mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse, motivimin politik dhe n\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb, edhe ekzistenc\u00ebn e tyre. N\u00eb mo\u00e7alin politik ekzistojn\u00eb hap\u00ebsira e shanse t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb nj\u00eb grupim i tret\u00eb politik t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem trepartiak, t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00ebn e ardhshme postzgjedhore dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha modelin e ardhsh\u00ebm politik, pavar\u00ebsisht humbjeve q\u00eb vijn\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb sistemit elektoral dhe kostos q\u00eb vjen nga refuzimi i modelit aktual politik t\u00eb koalicioneve me p\u00ebrqindje pushteti e vende pune. Skema e PD p\u00ebr aleat\u00eb me k\u00ebdo p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur pushtetin apo e PS p\u00ebr aleanc\u00eb pa kufi p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin, jan\u00eb dy an\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs medaljeje, jan\u00eb oferta t\u00eb pandershme, fyese p\u00ebr votuesin dhe n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim serioz p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb konkurruese dhe zgjedhjet e lira e t\u00eb ndershme.<\/p>\n

Faktori i dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb teknik dhe moral. Dy grupet politike rreth PD e PS e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb zgjedhjen e tyre dit\u00ebn kur s\u00eb bashku formuluan ndryshimet kushtetuese dhe Kodin Zgjedhor, p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave tentuan t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb barriera ligjore kund\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb reja politike. Ata nuk pranuan korrektimin e sistemit elektoral, vot\u00ebn e emigrant\u00ebve, depolitizimin e administrat\u00ebs zgjedhore dhe as t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e partive p\u00ebr v\u00ebzhgimin e procesit t\u00eb votimit dhe num\u00ebrimit.<\/p>\n

Ato, me pak diferenca, jan\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse direkte p\u00ebr gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb shkuar dhe nuk po shkojn\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe bashkimi me to n\u00eb \u00e7do rast mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb bashkim me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit e d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb tranzicionit. Dhe n\u00ebse ndodh kjo, p\u00ebrse votuesi duhet t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb ndryshe modeli siamez Berisha\/Rama? Votuesi k\u00ebrkon ndryshim dhe ndryshimi nuk mund t\u00eb vij\u00eb nga ata q\u00eb e krijuan k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje, k\u00ebrkon aktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb politik\u00eb, sjellje t\u00eb tjera, mentalitete t\u00eb tjera dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha nj\u00eb riformatim moral e logjik t\u00eb sistemit politik, \u2013 ku format e reja politike kan\u00eb dhe duhet t\u00eb luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol thelb\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n

Grupet e reja synojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet, pra t\u00eb mbushin hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese dhe tematike t\u00eb braktisur konsensualisht nga PD\/PS. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb e madhe p\u00ebr cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb. Nuk ka shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00ebse grupimi i ri b\u00ebhet numerikisht shumic\u00eb, mbetet pakic\u00eb, mbetet jasht\u00eb tort\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit apo atij i kund\u00ebrvihet nj\u00eb koalicion bashk\u00ebqeverisjeje PS-PD; r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi ka q\u00eb ai t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb rregulla t\u00eb reja loje, t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebmendje reale p\u00ebr interesat publike e komb\u00ebtare, q\u00eb me sjelljen e tyre politika t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb identitetin dhe vlerat morale t\u00eb humbura, si edhe q\u00eb sistemi partiak t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb sa m\u00eb af\u00ebr modeleve per\u00ebndimore, larg pazareve t\u00eb pista ballkanike t\u00eb deritanishme.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00eb nga Mapo e djeshme<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

ResPublica.al, 26 gusht 2012 Flasin analist\u00ebt Mustafa Nano, Armand Shkullaku, Shp\u00ebtim Nazarko, Sokol Balla dhe Afrim Krasniqi Motor\u00ebt elektoral\u00eb jan\u00eb ende duke u ngrohur n\u00eb dy kampet e m\u00ebdha. N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb duket se asgj\u00eb nuk l\u00ebviz dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb presin shtatorin. Por ata q\u00eb i njohin mir\u00eb zgjedhjet e din\u00eb se llogarit\u00eb kan\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-12049","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\nDrejt nj\u00eb poli t\u00eb tret\u00eb? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/drejt-nje-poli-te-trete\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Drejt nj\u00eb poli t\u00eb tret\u00eb? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"ResPublica.al, 26 gusht 2012 Flasin analist\u00ebt Mustafa Nano, Armand Shkullaku, Shp\u00ebtim Nazarko, Sokol Balla dhe Afrim Krasniqi Motor\u00ebt elektoral\u00eb jan\u00eb ende duke u ngrohur n\u00eb dy kampet e m\u00ebdha. 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