{"id":11899,"date":"2012-06-26T09:06:44","date_gmt":"2012-06-26T08:06:44","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.fjala.info\/?p=3401"},"modified":"2012-06-26T09:06:44","modified_gmt":"2012-06-26T08:06:44","slug":"nje-ecje-symbyllas-pesevjecare-neper-bote","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/nje-ecje-symbyllas-pesevjecare-neper-bote\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb ecje symbyllas pes\u00ebvje\u00e7are n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Nga Veton Surroi<\/strong>, 25 Qershor 2012<\/em><\/p>\n

1<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs sot e ka humbur kuptimin elementar t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb politik\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e jashtme dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

T\u2019ia fillojm\u00eb prej t\u00eb par\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb politik\u00eb , sepse i mungon nj\u00eb platform\u00eb strategjike bazike s\u00eb bashku me nj\u00eb program operacional p\u00ebr zbatimin e k\u00ebsaj platforme. Q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kishin kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00ebn e vet plenare , qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Komisionin p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme, por deri tani kjo gj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, k\u00ebt\u00eb e ka kuptuar edhe Ministria e Jashtme n\u00eb mandatin e dyt\u00eb qeveris\u00ebs, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb konsultime me konsulent\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, disa prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve jan\u00eb t\u00eb dijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe sfidat e veta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb vitin e pest\u00eb t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, vendi ndoshta do t\u00eb ket\u00eb gjasa ta ket\u00eb politik\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb hartuar t\u00eb jashtme, me \u00e7ka automatikisht n\u00ebnkuptohet se p\u00ebr pes\u00eb vjet ka ecur bot\u00ebn symbyllazi.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ecje symbyllazi, qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb presidentja, z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministri p\u00ebr njohje, z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrja p\u00ebr dialog teknik, ministri i jasht\u00ebm, ministrja p\u00ebr Integrime Evropiane, s\u00eb bashku me shefin e tyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kryeministrin dhe nivelin e tij t\u00eb dijes \u2013 q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr duhej t\u00eb ishte politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

2<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Qoft\u00eb si pasoj\u00eb, qoft\u00eb si shkak, politika e Kosov\u00ebs me bot\u00ebn nuk mund t\u00eb quhet e jashtme. Ajo n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike \u00ebsht\u00eb reduktuar brenda kufijve territorial t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, sipas projeksionit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. Nga ana e k\u00ebtij vendi, pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ka ekzistuar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje e orkestruar q\u00eb i t\u00ebr\u00eb kompleksi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr dyert e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Serbin\u00eb. Fitorja e par\u00eb e Serbis\u00eb qe sh\u00ebnuar q\u00eb nga muaji i par\u00eb i pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, me djegien e pikave kufitare t\u00eb veri t\u00eb vendit, pasuar nga plani gjasht\u00ebpik\u00ebsh i Ban Ki-moonit. Q\u00eb nga at\u00ebher\u00eb u sh\u00ebnua dep\u00ebrtimi i Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb pal\u00eb, e cila duhet t\u00eb pyetet p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn e brendshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky dep\u00ebrtim fitoi hov me ofensiv\u00ebn serbe pas shpalljes s\u00eb Mendimit k\u00ebshill\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Hag\u00ebs dhe Rezolut\u00ebs s\u00eb m\u00ebpastajme t\u00eb Asambles\u00eb s\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u201cdialogun\u201d mes Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit.<\/p>\n

Kulmi u mb\u00ebrri me \u201cdialogun\u201d, nj\u00eb proces negociator n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin Kosova pranoi, me dor\u00eb t\u00eb veten, parimin e bashk\u00ebqeverisjes mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb (legjitimitetin e dokumenteve kadastrale dhe t\u00eb regjistrit civil n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja kryeqytetet, p\u00ebr shembull), madje edhe pajtimin me Serbin\u00eb se statusi i vendit nuk ka p\u00ebrfunduar me shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb (fusnota, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pranohet administrimi i Kosov\u00ebs brenda Rezolut\u00ebs 1244).<\/p>\n

N\u00eb jav\u00ebt e kaluara, para dhe pas zgjedhjeve serbe, dhe n\u00eb jav\u00ebt q\u00eb vijn\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rritje k\u00ebrkesa e z\u00ebrave me ndikim n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb q\u00eb Kosova dhe Serbia t\u00eb ulen p\u00ebr nj\u00eb proces negociator rreth pjes\u00ebs veriore t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu mbyllet qarku i nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb supozuar t\u00eb jashtme: ajo duhet t\u00eb merret me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb brendshme, madje edhe me \u00e7\u00ebshtje territoriale t\u00eb brendshme.<\/p>\n

Efekti i munges\u00ebs s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, natyrisht, nuk mbetet vet\u00ebm k\u00ebtu. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e njohjeve t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vendit tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me procesin e negociatave me Serbin\u00eb (meq\u00eb Kosova ka pranuar me fusnot\u00eb se \u00e7\u00ebshtja e statusit \u00ebsht\u00eb ende e diskutueshme). \u00c7\u00ebshtja e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve me pak relevanc\u00eb si pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb \u201cEvrovizion\u201d e deri te ato me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi funksionale si an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb OKB) \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje gjithashtu e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn kontekstin e negociatave Kosov\u00eb \u2013 Serbi.<\/p>\n

Kapakun simbolik politik k\u00ebtij procesi ia dha zgjedhja e ministrit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm serb, Vuk Jeremiq, p\u00ebr kryetar t\u00eb radh\u00ebs t\u00eb Asambles\u00eb s\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb me mandat nj\u00ebvje\u00e7ar. I zgjedhur me shumic\u00ebs votash n\u00eb votim t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb, ai fitoi nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrblim jo vet\u00ebm personal, por edhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme t\u00eb bllokimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

3<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Dhe ky aktivitet q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb quhet as politik\u00eb e as politik\u00eb e jashtme, nuk mund t\u00eb quhet p\u00ebr shkak se i p\u00ebrket p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb interesave t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nga aspekti pozitiv, politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs e kan\u00eb zbatuar vendet e fuqishme per\u00ebndimore q\u00eb sponsorizuan pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e vendit. Kabllot nga Washingtoni q\u00eb instruktonin ambasadat e tyre p\u00ebr angazhim t\u00eb diplomat\u00ebve t\u00eb vet p\u00ebr njohjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vendit, instruksionet nga Londra, Parisi dhe Berlini diplomat\u00ebve t\u00eb vet q\u00eb t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit kosovar\u00eb, Samitet e frankofonis\u00eb , veprimi diskret i British Council dhe k\u00ebrkesat papra d\u00ebrguar nga Angela Merkel q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb apo at\u00eb vend t\u00eb Bot\u00ebs s\u00eb tret\u00eb, ku pesha ekonomike gjermane ka forc\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, t\u00eb jepet sinjali p\u00ebr njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs \u2013 p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i vendit nga ekspert\u00eb eminent\u00eb britanik\u00eb n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Hag\u00ebs \u2013 kjo ishte politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ishte edhe aspekti tjet\u00ebr nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb pretendonte se mbronte interesat e Kosov\u00ebs, e ky ishte insistimi q\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht Kosova t\u00eb ky\u00e7ej n\u00eb dialogun \u201cteknik\u201d me Serbin\u00eb. Treguesi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb i q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj pjese t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare u pa me rastin e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb kaluara parlamentare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Ndon\u00ebse vjedhja e vot\u00ebs, e evidencuar nga v\u00ebzhguesit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, qe e p\u00ebrmasave serioze (nj\u00eb veprim i organizuar dhe i gjer\u00eb kriminal), Bashkimi Evropian i kushtoi fare pak v\u00ebmendje procesit zgjedhor, duke u p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn imediate p\u00ebr inicimin e dialogut Prishtin\u00eb \u2013 Beograd me leht\u00ebsimin e BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Urgjenca p\u00ebr inicimin e dialogut qe pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb konstatimi brenda Bashkimit Evropian (gjegj\u00ebsisht krahut t\u00eb vet t\u00eb porsaformuar diplomatik) se duhej b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7mos q\u00eb Serbia t\u00eb ingranohet n\u00eb procesin integrues evropian me statusin e kandidatit, dhe duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, t\u00eb fitohet nj\u00eb lloj kthese p\u00ebr paqe n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, pas bombardimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb m\u00eb 1999. Shikuar k\u00ebshtu, dialogu u sh\u00ebrbente dy interesave: nj\u00eb, interesit t\u00eb Sh\u00ebrbimit p\u00ebr veprim t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm (pararend\u00ebsit imagjinar t\u00eb nj\u00eb ministrie t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ) dhe s\u00eb dyti interesit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kosova ka mundur ta identifikonte interesin e vet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dialog, qoft\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb dep\u00ebrtime strategjike n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e veta karshi Serbis\u00eb, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e veta me BE-n\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb ka mundur ta b\u00ebnte duke insistuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb negociatore q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte brenda k\u00ebto dy dep\u00ebrtime strategjike, por pala kosovare u k\u00ebnaq me pjes\u00ebmarrje krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur n\u00eb \u201cdialogun teknik\u201d. Vendimin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebri Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs, por kryeministri i vendit krye m\u00eb vete. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebri n\u00eb kushte kur kund\u00ebr tij ishte ngritur nj\u00eb akuz\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb nga senatori zviceran Dick Marty, p\u00ebr krime gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe pasluft\u00ebs, dhe kur partia t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e kryeson u zu n\u00eb shum\u00eb vendbanime t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs duke zhvilluar \u201cvjedhje industriale\u201d t\u00eb vot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Meq\u00eb procesi q\u00eb \u00e7oi te Mendimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Hag\u00eb, vet\u00eb Mendimi dhe Rezoluta e Asambles\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb rreth \u201cdialogut\u201d u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb kutin mat\u00ebs t\u00eb pozicionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, pra pik\u00eb orientuese p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme, vendimi i Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces negociator ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuesi themelor i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb vet t\u00eb jashtme, madje p\u00ebr disa vjet me radh\u00eb. Dhe, meq\u00eb, si\u00e7 tham\u00eb, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim thelb\u00ebsor t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme nuk kishte p\u00ebrkrahje paraprake t\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (ajo erdhi pasi filluan negociatat), vendimi i kryeministrit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces negociator i dha vul\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimtare personalizimit t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte politik\u00eb e jashtme.<\/p>\n

\u201cDialogu teknik\u201d, si kuti p\u00ebrcaktues i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, tregoi se nuk ishte n\u00eb interes t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb (p\u00ebr status kandidati), BE-s\u00eb (p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar efikasitetin e vet dhe ingranuar Serbin\u00eb) dhe t\u00eb kryeministrit (emri i t\u00eb cilit filloi t\u00eb lakohej si i nj\u00eb faktori kooperativ, me gjith\u00eb akuzat p\u00ebr krime serioze dhe nj\u00eb procesi zgjedhor t\u00eb vjedhur). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrim nuk figuron interesi i Kosov\u00ebs, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, sepse nuk ishte i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar si i till\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, ajo q\u00eb supozohej t\u00eb ishte politik\u00eb e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs nuk u b\u00eb politik\u00eb, nuk u b\u00eb e jashtme dhe nuk u b\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

4<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Diskursi politik qeveritar do t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebris\u00eb, n\u00eb dellin e propagand\u00ebs t\u00eb nj\u00eb province t\u00eb thell\u00eb e t\u00eb harruar prej \u00e7dokujt, se po sh\u00ebnon fitore n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb jashtme. Nuk ia vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebriten t\u00eb gjitha prononcimet q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb qeveritar\u00ebt me pomp\u00eb telenovelash, ato jan\u00eb vet\u00ebpromovuese deri n\u00eb p\u00ebshtirje. Por po t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbledhim t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto rezultate (p\u00ebrjashto njohjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministri Pacolli uzurpon t\u00eb gjitha meritat, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ato sikur Nigeria, nga ku ky u kthye pa note verbale, por me nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb kompanie jotransparente t\u00eb quajtur Seagas), ato maten me dy shp\u00ebrblimet p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb \u201cdialogun teknik\u201d me Serbin\u00eb, Udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesin p\u00ebr liberalizimin e vizave dhe Studimin e Fizibilitetit p\u00ebr fillimin e procesit t\u00eb Stabilizim-Asociimiit.<\/p>\n

Liberalizimi i vizave \u00ebsht\u00eb karta t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pushteti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e konsideron si ky\u00e7 p\u00ebr vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb vet. N\u00eb fakt, kjo llogari ka si pik\u00ebnisje njohjen e thell\u00eb e paradoksale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs: gj\u00ebrat jan\u00eb aq keq n\u00eb vend nga aspekti social, ekonomik dhe politik, saq\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb shum\u00eb e madhe e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb vendit e pret liberalizimin e vizave si shp\u00ebtim t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm p\u00ebr pozit\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb r\u00ebnduar. Disa qindra mija kosovar\u00eb, q\u00eb do t\u00eb v\u00ebrshonin menj\u00ebher\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn e duke q\u00ebndruar qoft\u00eb edhe disa muaj n\u00eb vendet e Bashkimit Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebrguar ndonj\u00eb euro familjeve t\u00eb veta t\u00eb mbetura n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishin eksporti m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nga t\u00eb gjitha aspektet. Nga aspekti ekonomik do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb rritje e menj\u00ebhershme e remitancave, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrbejn\u00eb hera-her\u00ebs 15 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb t\u00eb hyrave t\u00eb vendit. Nga aspekti social do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb pak goj\u00eb t\u00eb uritura brenda vendit. Nga aspekti politik pushteti llogarit se goj\u00ebt e uritura t\u00eb mbetura n\u00eb vend do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb fal\u00ebnderuara p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb zgjidhje imediate.<\/p>\n

5<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Magjin\u00eb e liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave e din\u00eb burokrat\u00ebt dhe politikan\u00ebt n\u00eb Bruksel. Liberalizimi fillimisht iu ofrua Serbis\u00eb, si form\u00eb e zbutjes s\u00eb hidh\u00ebrimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, dhe si form\u00eb e lidhjes s\u00eb m\u00ebtejme t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb me Per\u00ebndimin. Asokohe, p\u00ebr t\u00eb fshehur intenc\u00ebn politike, u tha se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces teknik, q\u00eb nuk ka lidhje me zhvillimet politike. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb fillimisht u tha edhe me Kosov\u00ebn, se liberalizimi i vizave nuk ka lidhje me zhvillimet politike mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe BE-s\u00eb, e as faktit se 5 nga 27 shtetet an\u00ebtare nuk e kan\u00eb njohur. Por, me nj\u00eb koincidence t\u00eb pritur, udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesi p\u00ebr liberalizim u fut n\u00eb form\u00eb diskrete si form\u00eb e shp\u00ebrblimit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrjen e vet n\u00eb \u201cdialogun teknik\u201d, madje edhe kur, si\u00e7 ndodhi, rezultatet e tij kishin potencialin e d\u00ebmtimit t\u00eb interesit shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Me marrjen e Udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesit do t\u00eb filloj\u00eb nj\u00eb koincidenc\u00eb e re, fare jo e rast\u00ebsishme. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, pra, kur Kosova e mori Udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesin p\u00ebr viza, n\u00eb Bruksel zhvilloheshin p\u00ebrgatitjet politike p\u00ebr dialogun e radh\u00ebs mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar k\u00ebsaj here p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs apo, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb njihen thjesht, negociatat p\u00ebr Veriun. P\u00ebr negociator\u00ebt evropian\u00eb, ashtu si edhe n\u00eb \u201cdialogun teknik\u201d, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave mund t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb fare mir\u00eb. N\u00eb 18 muajt e ardhsh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb koincidojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dy proceset, pra edhe negociatat p\u00ebr Veriun e edhe p\u00ebrmbushja e kritereve teknike p\u00ebr liberalizimin e vizave. P\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsit prezantohet nj\u00eb form\u00eb e mrekullueshme e presionit, t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorurit t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb liberalizimit si karot\u00eb p\u00ebr koncesione t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Veriut.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, liberalizimi i vizave mund t\u00eb paraqitet si kart\u00eb e p\u00ebrdorur dyfish: her\u00ebn e par\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201cdialogun teknik\u201d dhe her\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb p\u00ebr negociatat e Veriut.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb librat e negociatave nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsit evropian\u00eb mund q\u00eb tash t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb si jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm: kan\u00eb shitur liberalizimin e vizave sikur kolonizator\u00ebt anglez\u00eb pasqyrat dhe rruazat e lira indian\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim p\u00ebr ari.<\/p>\n

Dhe meq\u00eb, si\u00e7 tham\u00eb, i t\u00ebr\u00eb kompleksi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me jasht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes Kosov\u00ebs e Serbis\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb del se e t\u00ebr\u00eb politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs , n\u00eb fund , do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet tek liberalizimi i vizave.<\/p>\n

6<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Pushteti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb nd\u00ebrkaq se kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, dhe se Kosova de facto \u00ebsht\u00eb duke nd\u00ebrtuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie kontraktuale me BE-n\u00eb. Pra, ja merret udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesi p\u00ebr viza dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht merret edhe Studimi i Fizibilitetit p\u00ebr procesin MSA (Marr\u00ebveshje Stabilizim-Asociimi) \u2013 q\u00eb t\u00eb dy dokumentet q\u00eb \u201cde facto njohin shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Edhe k\u00ebt\u00eb truk propagandistik do zhveshur t\u00eb atill\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb. Fillimi i \u00e7far\u00ebdo procesi (Studim Fizibiliteti) p\u00ebr nga natyra nuk mund t\u00eb quhet njohje e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb fillim p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb se a ka Kosova kapacitete t\u00eb mjaftueshme qeveris\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u2019i hyr\u00eb nj\u00eb procesi (MSA), i cili do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruhej vet\u00ebm pas disa vjet\u00ebsh (dhe at\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb sprov\u00eb pozicioni i pes\u00eb shteteve q\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb njohur pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs). Udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesi p\u00ebr viza, nd\u00ebrkaq, \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00eb natyre edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb shpjegueshme: liberalizimi i vizave i \u00ebsht\u00eb aprovuar edhe nj\u00eb shteti, \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb Tajvani, q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar i OKB-s\u00eb, e q\u00eb prej shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb shteteve n\u00eb bot\u00eb njihet si pjes\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs. Liberalizimi i vizave nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb njohje t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse k\u00ebto dy \u201cshp\u00ebrblime\u201d nga \u201cdialogu teknik\u201d nuk qenkan njohje de facto e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb pretendonte propaganda qeveritare, \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb miri i sjellin Kosov\u00ebs?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb p\u00ebr ta lexuar shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare me parametra t\u00eb kuptuesh\u00ebm, ashtu si\u00e7 jan\u00eb lexuar shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e tjera aspiruese p\u00ebr n\u00eb BE. Te liberalizimi i vizave kjo n\u00ebnkupton si funksionet qeveritare n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb ashtu edhe n\u00eb pedanterin\u00eb e mbajtjes s\u00eb sh\u00ebnimeve bazike n\u00eb komuna, pra regjistrin civil. Te Studimi i Fizibilitetit b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb skanim i shtetit, ashtu si\u00e7 b\u00ebhet kontrolli i plot\u00eb i nj\u00eb organizmi apo nj\u00eb makine, p\u00ebr t\u00eb detektuar defektet e p\u00ebr t\u2019 i korrigjuar ato, natyrisht duke kuptuar edhe \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimesh do b\u00ebr\u00eb e me \u00e7far\u00eb kosto pune e kohe.<\/p>\n

Por, sado t\u00eb mira t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto skanime, mungesa e nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb jashtme kosovare i ka shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb objektiva m\u00eb vete, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, mund t\u2019ia lidh\u00eb vendit k\u00ebmb\u00ebt n\u00eb sfid\u00ebn e ardhshme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, e ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb, si\u00e7 tham\u00eb, negociata p\u00ebr Veriun.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb 18 muajt e ardhsh\u00ebm nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsit evropian\u00eb n\u00eb negociatat p\u00ebr Veriun mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb n\u00eb duar instrumente t\u00eb thjeshta presioni e shp\u00ebrblimi p\u00ebr Beogradin dhe Prishtin\u00ebn. P\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebn, presioni e shp\u00ebrblimi lidhet me fillimin e negociatave p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE (ajo q\u00eb quhet hapja e kapitujve t\u00eb Acquis Communitaire). P\u00ebr t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn, presioni dhe shp\u00ebrblimi lidhet me liberalizimin e vizave dhe hapat eventual\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb pasojn\u00eb Studimin e Fizibilitetit.<\/p>\n

7<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Mungesa e nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb jashtme i ka nd\u00ebrlidhur t\u00eb gjitha aspiratat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb nj\u00eb pike t\u00eb vetme. Pra edhe kur Kosova do t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb n\u00eb Loj\u00ebrat Olimpike, edhe kur do kodin e vet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, edhe kur do adres\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb internetit , edhe kur do marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie kontraktuale me BE-n\u00eb , edhe kur do an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb OKB, konteksti i krijuar me nj\u00eb mendjeshkurt\u00ebsi t\u00eb papar\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto aspirata duhet t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb nga dera e negociatave me Serbin\u00eb. Ky ka qen\u00eb cak strategjik i Serbis\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur.<\/p>\n

Dhe, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb po i p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet Prishtin\u00ebs zyrtare k\u00ebto dit\u00eb, me nj\u00eb ton q\u00eb i p\u00ebrngjet t\u00eb t\u00eb bindurit t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve q\u00eb ende nuk kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb pubertet:: \u201cMir\u00eb , mir\u00eb, kjo puna q\u00eb e b\u00ebt\u00eb me dialogun teknik, por tash ju presin negociatat me Beogradin p\u00ebr Veriun\u201d.<\/p>\n

Kurthi i ardhsh\u00ebm , ai i cili tashm\u00eb u sprovua nj\u00eb her\u00eb n\u00eb dialogun teknik, \u00ebsht\u00eb se edhe ky proces \u00ebsht\u00eb i pap\u00ebrgatitur, u lihet nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsve t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb me p\u00ebrzgjedhjen e temave, pa parime udh\u00ebzuese. P\u00ebr n\u00eb fund \u00ebsht\u00eb befasia ky\u00e7e: n\u00eb fund t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre negociatave p\u00ebr Veriun s\u00ebrish nuk do t\u00eb konsiderohet i mbyllur procesi i negociatave me Serbin\u00eb. S\u00ebrish do t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb proces tjet\u00ebr negociator, i cili do t\u00eb quhet ai i normalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve. Dhe m\u00eb pas, edhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, ai i vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve statusore\u2026<\/p>\n

N\u00eb negociata ky quhet procesi \u201csallami\u201d (apo n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb suxhuku) , ku risk pas risku prezantohet nj\u00eb dhe tjet\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje, por nuk bisedohet p\u00ebr t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb tashm\u00eb e ka t\u00eb formuluar Serbia, me parimin e saj se \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb t\u00eb negociohet ajo nuk do t\u00eb njoh\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb tashm\u00eb e ka t\u00eb formuluar edhe BE-ja me formulimin se nuk po k\u00ebrkon prej Serbis\u00eb njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, dhe me p\u00ebrcaktimin e karotave t\u00eb veta : Serbis\u00eb dat\u00ebn e nisjes s\u00eb negociatave p\u00ebr aderim n\u00eb BE, e Kosov\u00ebs liberalizimin e vizave.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb e b\u00ebn Kosova prejse e ka shpallur pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb. N\u00eb asnj\u00eb t\u00eb vetmin moment pushteti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00eb format e koalicioneve t\u00eb passhpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, nuk ka artikuluar se \u00e7far\u00eb d\u00ebshiron nga proceset negociatore, dhe si do t\u2019i arrij\u00eb k\u00ebto caqe. Kosova ka marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb me heshtje n\u00eb \u00e7do proces, prej Gjasht\u00eb pikave t\u00eb Ban Ki-moonit e deri te dialogu teknik, duke d\u00ebmtuar radh\u00eb pas radhe interesin shtet\u00ebror. Dhe, \u00e7doher\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb sikur po reziston, vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u pajtuar pastaj me \u00e7do gj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

8<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Negociatat me Serbin\u00eb prej koh\u00ebsh nuk jan\u00eb problem vet\u00ebm i pushtetit, por pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb me t\u00eb , me harbut\u00ebrin\u00eb e nj\u00eb provinciali, i cili do t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb se i di t\u00eb gjitha, prej nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb autorrug\u00ebve, diplomacis\u00eb, e deri te nisja e avion\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Tash s\u00eb fundmi, nga pushteti vjen oferta diskrete ndaj opozit\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e ardhsh\u00ebm negociator, p\u00ebr shkak se do ta shp\u00ebrndaj\u00eb koston politike t\u00eb rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb pamenduar n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb nisur. Opozita do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte mir\u00eb sikur t\u00eb mos e pranonte k\u00ebt\u00eb ofert\u00eb , qoft\u00eb edhe n\u00eb form\u00ebn e mbuluar q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb Ekip uniteti n\u00ebn ombrell\u00ebn e funksionit kukull q\u00eb ka personi q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb postin e Presidenc\u00ebs. Kapitulli i ardhsh\u00ebm negociator, n\u00eb kushtet e tanishme, \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm vijim i d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb deritanishme t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga zoti Tha\u00e7i, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb koalicionin e kaluar, kur vart\u00ebs i tij ishte presidenti Sejdiu , qoft\u00eb n\u00eb formatin e tanish\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjja, p\u00ebrkundrazi, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb se Kosova nuk ka legjitimitet bazik p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar negociata. P\u00ebr dallim prej Serbis\u00eb, e cila zgjedh president e s\u00eb shpejti edhe qeveri (ndon\u00ebse me nj\u00eb bagazh t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb nacionalist), por k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebn me legjitimitet t\u00eb plot\u00eb demokratik, pushteti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, th\u00ebn\u00eb s\u00eb buti, i d\u00ebmtuar p\u00ebr nga legjitimiteti. Qeveria e tanishme \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb i \u201cvjedhjes industriale\u201d t\u00eb votave, nd\u00ebrsa presidentja ka dal\u00eb prej anonimitetit t\u00eb plot\u00eb dhe zarfit, kur \u201cvjedhja industriale\u201d e votave u pasua edhe me disa skandale t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb shkeljeve kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Shikuar nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb ajrore, pushteti kosovar gjendet n\u00eb transicion mes gjendjes s\u00eb tanishme t\u00eb vot\u00ebs s\u00eb vjedhura dhe gjendjes s\u00eb ardhshme t\u00eb legjitimitetit demokratik. Derisa t\u00eb mos mb\u00ebrrihet nj\u00eb gjendje e k\u00ebtill\u00eb, negociatat nuk kan\u00eb kuptim: pushteti pa legjitimitet demokratik dhe n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe i kriminalizuar apo kriminogjen nuk ka bosht kurrizor p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur interesin shtet\u00ebror n\u00eb negociata, \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr i eksponuar shantazhit apo d\u00ebshir\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga izolimi.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjja kosovare, n\u00eb fakt, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb se prej BE-s\u00eb kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ndihm\u00eb , jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb na shtyr\u00eb n\u00eb negociata, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb na shtyr\u00eb n\u00eb standarde t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e nj\u00eb pushteti legjitim. Pastaj do t\u00eb vijn\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm edhe negociatat.<\/p>\n

9<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Shkrim pas shkrimi, vit pas viti, do t\u00eb lajm\u00ebrohet dikush, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb form\u00ebn e komenteve t\u00eb popullarizuara elektronike , n\u00eb portalet e internetit, dhe do t\u00eb thot\u00eb: krejt kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb \u00e7ka thua, por leht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb flitet pasi ndodhin ngjarjet. Ku ishe m\u00eb her\u00ebt?<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nonsens. Shkrim pas shkrimi, vit pas viti, pushteti , q\u00eb para shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, ka mundur t\u00eb lexonte analiza p\u00ebr sfidat q\u00eb e presin, me skenar\u00eb af\u00ebr reales. Dhe, i ka injoruar nga harbut\u00ebria, mungesa e kapaciteteve absorbuese intelektuale apo interesi.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb edhe tash. Problemi esencial nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se a ka ide t\u00eb tjera dhe alternativa m\u00eb t\u00eb mira , problemi esencial \u00ebsht\u00eb se a do ta lejojn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt(opozita, shoq\u00ebria civile) q\u00eb pushteti ta vazhdoj\u00eb ecjen e vet shkat\u00ebrruese \u2013 t\u00eb paras\u00eb publike, t\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebs s\u00eb zhvillimit ekonomik, t\u00eb substanc\u00ebs ekonomike , t\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb ngritjes s\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb funksionale? Sepse n\u00eb fund, politika e jashtme nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se ajo brenda: n\u00ebse Kosova ka munges\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb vet t\u00eb jashtme, at\u00ebher\u00eb kjo ndodh sepse nuk e ka as iden\u00eb bazike se si t\u2019i rregulloj\u00eb pun\u00ebt brenda vendit.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Veton Surroi, 25 Qershor 2012 1. Politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs sot e ka humbur kuptimin elementar t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb politik\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e jashtme dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. T\u2019ia fillojm\u00eb prej t\u00eb par\u00ebs. Politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb politik\u00eb , sepse i mungon nj\u00eb platform\u00eb strategjike bazike s\u00eb bashku […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-11899","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\nNj\u00eb ecje symbyllas pes\u00ebvje\u00e7are n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/nje-ecje-symbyllas-pesevjecare-neper-bote\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Nj\u00eb ecje symbyllas pes\u00ebvje\u00e7are n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Veton Surroi, 25 Qershor 2012 1. 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