{"id":11623,"date":"2012-01-22T17:00:21","date_gmt":"2012-01-22T16:00:21","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/fjala.shkoder.net\/?p=1295"},"modified":"2012-01-22T17:00:21","modified_gmt":"2012-01-22T16:00:21","slug":"kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/","title":{"rendered":"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal?"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\" Nga Helmut Schmidt<\/strong>, 20 janar 2012<\/em><\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb material ma ka d\u00ebrguar Enver Robelli. \u00cbsht\u00eb fjalimi i ish-kancelarit gjerman Helmut Schmidt n\u00eb Kongresin e Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, mbajtur n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb dhjetorit. Robelli ka b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb sintez\u00eb p\u00ebr hyrje: \u201cN\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme Gjermania nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vend \u201cnormal\u201d. Kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj flet barra jon\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme dhe e pap\u00ebrs\u00ebritshme historike. Dhe, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, edhe pozita jon\u00eb qendrore dhe me shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb si n\u00eb aspektin demografik, ashtu dhe at\u00eb ekonomik m\u2019u n\u00eb mes t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, por shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb strukturuar n\u00eb shtete komb\u00ebtare.\u201d Ja fjala e Schmidt-it:<\/em><\/p>\n

Helmut Schmidt<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Miq t\u00eb dashur, zonja dhe zot\u00ebrinj!<\/p>\n

M\u00eb lejoni t\u00eb filloj me nj\u00eb not\u00eb personale. Kur Sigmar Gabrieli (kryetari i Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb \u2013 SPD, v.j.), Frank-Walter Steinmeieri (shef i Grupit Parlamentar t\u00eb SPD-s\u00eb n\u00eb Bundestag, v.j.) dhe partia ime m\u00eb lut\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb referat, me g\u00ebzim m\u2019u kujtua se si un\u00eb sot para 65 vitesh, me Lokin (bashk\u00ebshortja e ndjer\u00eb, v.j.), me gjunj\u00eb n\u00eb dysheme ngjyrosja afishe p\u00ebr SPD-n\u00eb n\u00eb Hamburg-Neugraben. Por m\u00eb duhet ta pranoj menj\u00ebher\u00eb: sa i p\u00ebrket politik\u00ebs partiake un\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb mosh\u00ebs, kam arritur atje diku p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb mir\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb keqes. Ngaher\u00eb p\u00ebr mua n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dyt\u00eb jan\u00eb qen\u00ebsore detyrat dhe roli i kombit ton\u00eb n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn e pashmangshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebsis\u00eb evropiane.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht m\u00eb vjen mir\u00eb q\u00eb mund ta ndaj k\u00ebt\u00eb foltore me fqinjin ton\u00eb norvegjez Jens Stoltenberg, i cili mu n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb fatkeq\u00ebsie t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb kombit t\u00eb tij neve dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb evropian\u00ebve na ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyes t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes liberale, demokratike dhe t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb sundimin e ligjit.<\/p>\n

Si burr\u00eb n\u00eb mosh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb un\u00eb, natyrisht, mendoj n\u00eb horizonte t\u00eb gjata kohore \u2013 si duke shikuar prapa n\u00eb histori dhe, gjithashtu, duke shikuar p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e shpresuar dhe t\u00eb synuar. Megjithat\u00eb, para pak dit\u00ebsh nuk munda t\u00eb jap p\u00ebrgjigje n\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje shum\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Wolfgang Thierse (politikan i SPD-s\u00eb, ish-kryetar i Bundestagut, v.j.) m\u00eb pyeti: \u201cKur Gjermania, m\u00eb n\u00eb fund, do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shtet normal?\u201d Dhe un\u00eb u p\u00ebrgjigja: n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme Gjermania nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vend \u201cnormal\u201d. Kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj flet barra jon\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme dhe e pap\u00ebrs\u00ebritshme historike. Dhe, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, edhe pozita jon\u00eb qendrore dhe me shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb si n\u00eb aspektin demografik, ashtu dhe at\u00eb ekonomik mu n\u00eb mes t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, por shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb strukturuar n\u00eb shtete komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb un\u00eb tani kam arritur m\u2019u n\u00eb mes t\u00eb tem\u00ebs komplekse t\u00eb referatit tim: Gjermania n\u00eb dhe me dhe p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Motivet dhe zanafillat e integrimit evropian<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb vendesh t\u00eb 40 shteteve komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs vet\u00ebdija e sotme nacionale \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvilluar tek s\u00eb voni \u2013 ta z\u00ebm\u00eb n\u00eb Itali, Greqi dhe n\u00eb Gjermani \u2013 prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb gjithkund dhe vazhdimisht ka pasur luft\u00ebra t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme. Historia evropiane \u2013 e shikuar nga Evropa e Mesme – mund t\u00eb kuptohet edhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb e luftimeve pothuaj t\u00eb pafundme mes periferis\u00eb dhe qendr\u00ebs dhe, anasjelltas, mes qendr\u00ebs dhe periferis\u00eb. Me at\u00eb rast qendra prap\u00eb e prap\u00eb ka qen\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb vendimtare.<\/p>\n

Kur sundimtar\u00ebt, shtetet apo popujt n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs ishin t\u00eb dob\u00ebt, at\u00ebher\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt e tyre dep\u00ebrtonin nga periferia n\u00eb qend\u00ebr. Shkat\u00ebrrimi m\u00eb i madh dhe humbjet relativisht m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb jet\u00ebve t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve ndodh\u00ebn gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb 30-vje\u00e7are prej 1618 deri m\u00eb 1648, e cila u zhvillua kryesisht n\u00eb truallin gjerman. At\u00ebbot\u00eb Gjermania ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nocion gjeografik, i definuar mjegullt dhe vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs gjuh\u00ebsore gjermane. M\u00eb von\u00eb erdh\u00ebn francez\u00ebt n\u00ebn Luigjin e XIV dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri Napoleoni. Suedez\u00ebt nuk erdh\u00ebn p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb; por disa her\u00eb erdh\u00ebn anglez\u00ebt dhe rus\u00ebt, her\u00ebn e fundit n\u00ebn Stalinin.<\/p>\n

Kur dinastit\u00eb apo shtetet n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs ishin t\u00eb fuqishme \u2013 ose kur ndiheshin t\u00eb fuqishme! \u2013 at\u00ebher\u00eb ato, anasjelltas, dep\u00ebrtonin n\u00eb periferi. Kjo vlente qysh p\u00ebr kryq\u00ebzatat, t\u00eb cilat, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, ishin fushata pushtimi, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb Azis\u00eb s\u00eb Vog\u00ebl dhe Jerusalemit, por, po ashtu, edhe drejt Prusis\u00eb Lindore dhe drejt t\u00eb tri shteteve t\u00eb sotme baltike. N\u00eb epok\u00ebn e re kjo vlente p\u00ebr luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr Napoleonit \u2013 dhe vlen\u00eb p\u00ebr tri luft\u00ebrat e Bismarckut \u2013 1864, 1866, 1870\/71.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta vlen para s\u00eb gjithash p\u00ebr luft\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb tridhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are prej vitit 1914 deri m\u00eb 1945. Kjo vlen sidomos p\u00ebr dep\u00ebrtimet e Hitlerit deri te Kepi Verior, deri n\u00eb Kaukaz, deri n\u00eb Kret\u00ebn greke, deri n\u00eb Franc\u00ebn jugore dhe madje deri n\u00eb Tobruk af\u00ebr kufirit libiano-egjiptian. Katastrofa e Evrop\u00ebs, e provokuar nga Gjermania, p\u00ebrfshinte katastrof\u00ebn e hebrenjve evropian\u00eb dhe katastrof\u00ebn e shtetit komb\u00ebtar gjerman.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb par\u00eb fatin fatal t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve e kishin ndar\u00eb polak\u00ebt, kombet baltike, \u00e7ek\u00ebt, sllovak\u00ebt, austriak\u00ebt, hungarez\u00ebt, slloven\u00ebt dhe kroat\u00ebt, p\u00ebr aq sa t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata prej shekujsh kishin vuajtur n\u00ebn pozit\u00ebn e tyre qendrore gjeopolitike n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontinent t\u00eb vog\u00ebl evropian. Ose th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe: shum\u00eb her\u00eb ne gjerman\u00ebt u kemi shkaktuar vuajtje t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve n\u00ebn pozit\u00ebn ton\u00eb qendrore dhe t\u00eb fuqishme.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme pretendimet konfliktuoze territoriale, konfliktet gjuh\u00ebsore dhe kufitare, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit XX kan\u00eb luajtur nj\u00eb rol shum\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb vet\u00ebdijen e kombeve, de fakto n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, gjithsesi p\u00ebr ne gjerman\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Derisa n\u00eb vet\u00ebdijen e mendimit publik dhe t\u00eb atij t\u00eb publikuar t\u00eb kombeve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs dija dhe kujtesa p\u00ebr luft\u00ebrat e Mesjet\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar gati krejt\u00ebsisht, kujtesa p\u00ebr dy luft\u00ebrat bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb shekullit XX dhe p\u00ebr pushtimin gjerman ende luan nj\u00eb rol latent mbizot\u00ebrues.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb duket se p\u00ebr ne gjerman\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimtare q\u00eb gati t\u00eb gjith\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt e Gjermanis\u00eb \u2013 dhe, krahas tyre, pothuaj t\u00eb gjith\u00eb hebrenjt\u00eb n\u00eb mbar\u00eb bot\u00ebn \u2013 t\u00eb kujtojn\u00eb Holokaustin dhe mizorit\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat u kryen n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e pushtimit gjerman n\u00eb vendet e periferis\u00eb. Ne gjerman\u00ebt nuk e kemi sa duhet t\u00eb qart\u00eb se te gati t\u00eb gjith\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt tan\u00eb me gjas\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gjenerata do t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb nj\u00eb mosbesim latent kund\u00ebr gjerman\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Edhe gjeneratat e ardhshme t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve duhet t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb barr\u00eb historike. Nd\u00ebrsa gjeneratat e sotme nuk guxojn\u00eb t\u00eb harrojn\u00eb: ishte mosbesimi ndaj zhvillimit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, q\u00eb m\u00eb 1950 vuri themelet e fillimit t\u00eb integrimit evropian.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 1946 Churchilli (kryeministri britanik, v.j.) kishte dy motive, kur n\u00eb fjalimin e tij t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb Z\u00fcrich u b\u00ebri thirrje francez\u00ebve t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb mir\u00eb me gjerman\u00ebt dhe bashk\u00eb me ta t\u00eb themelojn\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs: motivi i par\u00eb ishte rezistenca e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kund\u00ebr Bashkimit Sovjetik, q\u00eb dukej si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim \u2013 dhe, i dyti, ky\u00e7ja e Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb union m\u00eb t\u00eb madh per\u00ebndimor. Churchilli, si largpam\u00ebs q\u00eb ishte, shihte riforcimin e Gjermanis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kur m\u00eb 1950, kat\u00ebr vite pas fjalimit t\u00eb Churchillit, Robert Schumani dhe Jean Monneti u paraqit\u00ebn me Planin Schuman p\u00ebr bashkimin e industris\u00eb s\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb evropiano-per\u00ebndimore, kjo ndodhi nga motivi i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, nga motivi i lidhjes s\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb. Charles de Gaullei, i cili dhjet\u00eb vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb ia dha dor\u00ebn e pajtimit Konrad Adenauerit, veproi nga motivi i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E gjith\u00eb kjo ndodhi nga shikimi realist n\u00eb zhvillimin e ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb gjermane, q\u00eb dukej e mundshme dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht frik\u00ebsuese. Jo idealizimi i Victor Hugos, i cili m\u00eb 1849 kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr bashkimin e Evrop\u00ebs, as ndonj\u00eb idealiz\u00ebm tjet\u00ebr nuk ishin m\u00eb 1950\/52 n\u00eb zanafill\u00eb t\u00eb integrimit evropian, q\u00eb at\u00ebbot\u00eb ishte i kufizuar n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore. Burr\u00ebshtetasit e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe Amerik\u00eb (po i p\u00ebrmendi George Marshallin, Eisenhoverin, edhe Kennedyin, por, para t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, Churchillin, Jean Monnetin, Adenauerin dhe de Gaullein ose edhe de Gasperin dhe Henri Spaakun) assesi nuk vepruan nga idealizmi p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, por nga njohuria e historis\u00eb s\u00eb deriat\u00ebhershme evropiane. Ata vepruan nga shikimi realist n\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e evitimit t\u00eb vazhdimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs mes periferis\u00eb dhe qendr\u00ebs gjermane. Kush nuk e ka kuptuar k\u00ebt\u00eb motiv zanafillor t\u00eb integrimit evropian, q\u00eb ende \u00ebsht\u00eb element bart\u00ebs, atij i mungon parakushti i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e kriz\u00ebs aktualisht tejet t\u00eb acaruar t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e viteve 1960, \u201970 dhe \u201980 rritej pesha ekonomike, ushtarake dhe politike e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb at\u00ebhershme Federale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, n\u00eb syt\u00eb e burr\u00ebshtetasve evropiano-per\u00ebndimor integrimi evropian b\u00ebhej aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj sigurimi kund\u00ebr joshjeve s\u00ebrish t\u00eb mundshme aventuriere t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve drejt nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb forc\u00ebs. Kund\u00ebrshtimi fillestar p\u00ebr shembull i Margret Thatcherit apo Miterrandit apo Andreottit m\u00eb 1989\/90 kund\u00ebr bashkimit t\u00eb dy shteteve gjermane t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs ishte qart\u00eb i bazuar n\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Gjermani t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtij kontinenti t\u00eb vog\u00ebl evropian.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb lejoni k\u00ebtu nj\u00eb digresion t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr personal. E kam d\u00ebgjuar Jean Monnetin, kur merrja pjes\u00eb n\u00eb komitetin e Monnetit \u201cPour les \u00c9tats-Unis d\u2019Europe\u201d (\u201cP\u00ebr Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs\u201d, v.j.). Kjo ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1955. P\u00ebr mua Jean Monneti ka mbetur nj\u00ebri prej francez\u00ebve m\u00eb largpam\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i kam njohur un\u00eb \u2013 sa i p\u00ebrket integrimit, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb konceptit t\u00eb tij t\u00eb qasjes hap pas hapi n\u00eb integrimin e Evrop\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga at\u00ebher\u00eb un\u00eb, duke pasur parasysh interesin strategjik t\u00eb kombit gjerman, jo nga idealizmi, jam b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe kam mbetur p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i integrimit evropian, p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i ky\u00e7jes s\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb. (Kjo at\u00ebher\u00eb mua m\u00eb \u00e7oi drejt nj\u00eb kontroverse me Kurt Schumacherin, t\u00eb cilin si kryetar partie e \u00e7moja shum\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb ballafaqimi yn\u00eb ishte krejt i par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, p\u00ebr mua, nd\u00ebrkaq, at\u00ebher\u00eb 30-vje\u00e7ar dhe i sapo kthyer nga lufta, ishte shum\u00eb serioz). N\u00eb vitet \u201950 un\u00eb p\u00ebrqafova planet e ministrit t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Polonis\u00eb, Rapacki, Pastaj, n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve \u201960, un\u00eb shkrova nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr kund\u00ebr strategjis\u00eb zyrtare per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb hakmarrjes nukleare-strategjike, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn at\u00ebher\u00eb NATO-ja k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonte Bashkimin e fuqish\u00ebm Sovjetik \u2013 n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem ne kemi qen\u00eb t\u00eb ky\u00e7ur at\u00ebher\u00eb dhe jemi edhe sot.<\/p>\n

Bashkimi Evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm<\/strong><\/p>\n

De Gaulle dhe Pompidou vazhduan integrimin evropian n\u00eb vitet \u201960 dhe n\u00eb vitet e hershme \u201970 me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb \u2013 por ata jo me \u00e7do kusht d\u00ebshironin t\u00eb integronin vendin e tyre. Pastaj mir\u00ebkuptimi mes GIscard d\u2019Estaingut dhe meje \u00e7oi n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit francezo-gjerman dhe vazhdimit t\u00eb integrimit evropian, nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb e cila pas pranver\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1990 u vazhdua me sukses mes Miterrandit dhe Kohlit. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht nga vitet 1950\/52 bashk\u00ebsia evropiane deri n\u00eb vitin 1991 hap pas hapi \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar prej gjasht\u00eb n\u00eb dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb shtete an\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Fal\u00eb pun\u00ebs p\u00ebrgatitore t\u00eb kryer kryesisht nga Jacques Delors (at\u00ebher\u00eb president i Komisionit Evropian) MItterrandi dhe Kohli m\u00eb 1991 n\u00eb Maastricht themeluan valut\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropiane, euron, e cila n\u00eb vitin 2001, dhjet\u00eb vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb u fut n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim. Edhe k\u00ebsaj here baz\u00eb e k\u00ebtij vendimi ishte shqet\u00ebsimi francez para nj\u00eb Gjermanie tep\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqishme \u2013 th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb sakt\u00eb: para nj\u00eb marke gjermane (\u201cdoj\u00e7mark\u00eb\u201d) tep\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqishme.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb euro \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb valuta e dyt\u00eb p\u00ebr nga r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e ekonomis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. Kjo valut\u00eb evropiane n\u00eb brendi, por edhe n\u00eb raport me jasht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e q\u00ebndrueshme se dollari amerikan \u2013 dhe m\u00eb e q\u00ebndrueshme se marka gjermane n\u00eb dhjet\u00eb vitet e fundit t\u00eb saj. T\u00eb gjitha llafet dhe shkrimet mbi kinse \u201ckriz\u00ebn e euros\u201d jan\u00eb dokrra mendjelehta t\u00eb medieve, gazetar\u00ebve dhe politikan\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga Maastrichti 1991\/92 bota ka ndryshuar jasht\u00ebzakonisht. Kemi p\u00ebrjetuar \u00e7lirimin e popujve n\u00eb Lindje t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs dhe shkat\u00ebrrimin e Bashkimit Sovjetik. Ne po p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillim fenomenal t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, Indis\u00eb, Brazilit dhe vendeve t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb zhvillim, t\u00eb cilat dikur pa dallim quheshin \u201cbota e tret\u00eb\u201d. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht ekonomit\u00eb reale bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb pjes\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb bot\u00ebs jan\u00eb \u201cglobalizuar\u201d ose th\u00ebn\u00eb qart\u00eb: gati t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e bot\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb varura prej nj\u00ebri-tjetrit. Para s\u00eb gjithash akter\u00ebt n\u00eb tregjet globale financiare nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb pushtet gati t\u00eb pakontrolluesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht \u2013 dhe gati pahetuesh\u00ebm \u2013 njer\u00ebzimi \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00ebzuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplozive dhe ka arritur n\u00eb 7 miliard\u00eb njer\u00ebz. Kur jam lindur un\u00eb ishin tek 2 miliard\u00eb. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto zhvillime t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme kan\u00eb ndikime tep\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebdha te popujt e Evrop\u00ebs, te shtetet e tyre dhe n\u00eb mir\u00ebqenien e tyre!<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha kombet evropiane po mplaken \u2013 dhe \u00e7do kund po rrudhen shifrat e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre. Nga mesi i shekullit 21 me gjas\u00eb n\u00eb planet do t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb 9 miliard\u00eb njer\u00ebz nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, derisa at\u00ebher\u00eb kombet evropiane s\u00eb bashku do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm 7 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. 7 p\u00ebr qind prej 9 miliard\u00eb! Deri n\u00eb vitin 1950 evropian\u00ebt gjat\u00eb dy shekujve ishin mbi 20 p\u00ebr qind e popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. Por qe 50 vjet ne evropian\u00ebt po pak\u00ebsohemi \u2013 jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb shifra absolute, por para s\u00eb gjithash n\u00eb relacion me Azin\u00eb, Afrik\u00ebn dhe Amerik\u00ebn Latine. Po ashtu po bie pjes\u00ebmarrja e evropian\u00ebve n\u00eb Bruto Produktin Vendor (BPV), dometh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb krijimin e vlerave t\u00eb shtuara t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit. Deri n\u00eb vitin 2050 pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb BPV do t\u00eb bie n\u00eb rreth 10 p\u00ebr qind; m\u00eb 1950 gjendej te 30 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi.<\/p>\n

Secili komb evropian n\u00eb vitin 2050 do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb cop\u00ebz prej 1 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. Kjo dometh\u00ebn\u00eb: n\u00ebse duam t\u00eb kemi shpres\u00eb se ne evropian\u00ebt do t\u00eb kemi ndonj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn, at\u00ebher\u00eb ne k\u00ebt\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb vet\u00ebm s\u00eb bashku. Si shtete individuale \u2013 qoft\u00eb kjo Franca, Italia, Gjermania apo Polonia, Holanda ose Danimarka apo Greqia \u2013 neve n\u00eb fund nuk mund t\u00eb na masin me shifra p\u00ebrqindjeje, por vet\u00ebm n\u00eb shifra promili.<\/p>\n

Nga kjo rezulton interesi strategjik i shteteve komb\u00ebtare evropiane n\u00eb bashkimin e tyre integrues. Ky interes strategjik n\u00eb integrimin evropian do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Deri m\u00eb tani kombet n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nuk e kan\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Atyre kjo nuk po u b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb as nga qeverit\u00eb e tyre.<\/p>\n

Por n\u00ebse Bashkimi Evropian n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e decenieve t\u00eb ardhshme nuk arrin t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt veprimi, qoft\u00eb kjo edhe e kufizuar, at\u00ebher\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtohet nj\u00eb margjinalizim me fajin ton\u00eb i shteteve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta evropiane dhe i civilizimit evropian. Po aq pak mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtohet n\u00eb rast t\u00eb till\u00eb ringjallja e ballafaqimeve konkurruese dhe p\u00ebr prestigj mes shteteve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. N\u00eb raste t\u00eb tilla integrimi i Gjermanis\u00eb zor se do t\u00eb funksiononte. Loja e vjet\u00ebr mes qendr\u00ebs dhe periferis\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej s\u00ebrish realitet.<\/p>\n

Procesi i iluminizmit mbar\u00ebbot\u00ebror, i zgjerimit t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe dinjitetit t\u00eb tij, i korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit juridik dhe i demokratizimit nuk do t\u00eb merrte m\u00eb impulse efektive nga Evropa. P\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebtyre aspekteve bashk\u00ebsia evropiane b\u00ebhet domosdoshm\u00ebri ekzistenciale p\u00ebr shtetet komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb kontinentit ton\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. Kjo domosdoshm\u00ebri shkon p\u00ebrtej motiveve t\u00eb Churchillit dhe de Gaulleit. Ajo kalon edhe p\u00ebrtej motiveve t\u00eb Monnetit dhe p\u00ebrtej motiveve t\u00eb Adenauerit. Ajo sot mbulon edhe motivet e Ernst Reutersit, Fritz Erlersit, \u00cbilly Brandtit dhe, gjithashtu, t\u00eb Helmut Kohlit.<\/p>\n

Po shtoj: sigurisht me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast p\u00ebrher\u00eb do t\u00eb luaj\u00eb rol edhe puna e integrimit t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ne gjerman\u00ebt duhet ta kemi t\u00eb qart\u00eb se cila \u00ebsht\u00eb detyra jon\u00eb, roli yn\u00eb n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb integrimit evropian.<\/p>\n

Gjermanis\u00eb i duhet konsistenca dhe korrekt\u00ebsia<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kur ne n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2011 e shikojm\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb nga jasht\u00eb me syt\u00eb e fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt, at\u00ebher\u00eb Gjermania q\u00eb prej nj\u00eb decenie ngjall siklet \u2013 s\u00eb fundi edhe shqet\u00ebsim politik. Viteve t\u00eb fundit jan\u00eb shfaqur dyshime t\u00eb dukshme n\u00eb konsistenc\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs gjermane. Besimi n\u00eb korrekt\u00ebsin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs gjermane \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto dyshime dhe shqet\u00ebsime bazohen n\u00eb gabime n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve tan\u00eb gjerman\u00eb dhe t\u00eb qeverive. Ato bazohen, n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb s\u00eb bashkuar, nj\u00eb fuqi q\u00eb befasoi bot\u00ebn. Ekonomia jon\u00eb popullore duke filluar nga vitet \u201970, at\u00ebbot\u00eb ende e ndar\u00eb, u zhvillua e u b\u00eb m\u00eb e madhja n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. N\u00eb kuptimin teknologjik, fiskal-politik dhe social-politik ajo sot \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebr ekonomit\u00eb nacionale m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Fuqia jon\u00eb ekonomike dhe paqja jon\u00eb relativisht shum\u00eb stabile prej deceniesh kan\u00eb ngjallur edhe xhelozi \u2013 aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr q\u00eb norma e papun\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe niveli i borxheve gjithsesi gjendet n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e normalitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Por ne nuk e kemi sa duhet t\u00eb qart\u00eb se ekonomia jon\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e integruar n\u00eb tregun e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropian dhe, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e globalizuar dhe, k\u00ebshtu, edhe e varur nga koniunktura bot\u00ebrore e biznesit. N\u00eb vitin 2012 ne, prandaj, do t\u00eb shohim se eksportet gjermane nuk do t\u00eb rriten aq.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb ka rezultuar nj\u00eb zhvillim i gabuesh\u00ebm dhe tejet i r\u00ebnd\u00eb, pra suficitet e vazhdueshme enorme t\u00eb bilanceve tona tregtare dhe bilancit ton\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve. Suficitet qysh prej vitesh p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb rreth 5 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb produktit ton\u00eb social. Ato jan\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm t\u00eb larta sa suficitet e Kin\u00ebs. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk jemi t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm, pasi q\u00eb kjo nuk rezulton me tepric\u00eb n\u00eb mark\u00eb gjermane, por n\u00eb euro. \u00cbsht\u00eb e domosdoshme p\u00ebr politikan\u00ebt tan\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb rrethan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sepse t\u00eb gjitha suficitet jan\u00eb, n\u00eb realitet, deficite t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. K\u00ebrkesat q\u00eb kemi ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, jan\u00eb borxhet e tyre. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shkelje hidh\u00ebruese e \u201cbilancit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm ekonomik\u201d, q\u00eb dikur prej nesh ishte ngritur n\u00eb ideal ligjor. Kjo shkelje duhet t\u2019i shqet\u00ebsoj\u00eb partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb. N\u00ebse s\u00eb fundi ka z\u00ebra t\u00eb huaj, kryesisht amerikan\u00eb \u2013 nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb k\u00ebta z\u00ebra vijn\u00eb nga shum\u00eb an\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb cil\u00ebt k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nga Gjermania nj\u00eb rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs evropian, at\u00ebher\u00eb e gjith\u00eb kjo te fqinj\u00ebt tan\u00eb ngjall edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb mosbesim. Dhe ngjall kujtime t\u00eb hidhura.<\/p>\n

Ky zhvillim ekonomik dhe, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, kriza e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar e organeve t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian e kan\u00eb shtyr\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rol qendror. Bashk\u00eb me presidentin francez kancelaria e ka pranuar me vullnet k\u00ebt\u00eb rol. Por n\u00eb shum\u00eb kryeqytete dhe po ashtu n\u00eb media t\u00eb disa vendeve fqinje s\u00ebrish ekziston nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb rritje nga dominimi gjerman. K\u00ebsaj here nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pushtet qendror tep\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm ushtarak dhe politik, por mbase p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr ekonomikisht tep\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqishme!<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme nj\u00eb v\u00ebrejtje serioze, kujdessh\u00ebm e peshuar ndaj politikan\u00ebve gjerman\u00eb, medieve dhe mendimit ton\u00eb publik.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse ne gjerman\u00ebt do t\u00eb josheshim, bazuar n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb ton\u00eb ekonomike, t\u00eb pretendojm\u00eb nj\u00eb rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs politik n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb apo s\u00eb paku t\u00eb luajm\u00eb Primus inter pares, at\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb n\u00eb rritje e fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb do t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonin k\u00ebt\u00eb efektivisht. Shqet\u00ebsimi i periferis\u00eb para nj\u00eb qendre t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs tep\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqishme do t\u00eb kthehej shpejt. Konsekuencat e mundshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillimi t\u00eb till\u00eb p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin d\u00ebmtuese. Madje Gjermania do t\u00eb rr\u00ebshqiste n\u00eb izolim.<\/p>\n

Republik\u00ebs Federale shum\u00eb t\u00eb madhe dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb i duhet \u2013 edhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur nga vetja! \u2013 shtrirja n\u00eb integrimin evropian. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye q\u00eb nga koh\u00ebrat e Helmut Kohlit, q\u00eb nga viti 1992 neni 23 i Kushtetut\u00ebs na obligon p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebveprim \u201c…n\u00eb zhvillimin e Bashkimit Evropian\u201d. Neni 23 na obligon p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebveprim edhe p\u00ebr \u201cparimin e subvencionimit…\u201d. Kriza aktuale e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr veprim e organeve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk dallon asgj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto parime.<\/p>\n

Pozita jon\u00eb qendrore gjeopolitike, krahas k\u00ebsaj roli yn\u00eb fatkeq n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e historis\u00eb evropiane deri nga mesi i shekullit XX, duke shtuar edhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb t\u00eb sotme prodhuese \u2013 t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto s\u00eb bashku nga secila qeveri gjermane k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb senzibilitet sa i p\u00ebrket interesave t\u00eb partner\u00ebve tan\u00eb n\u00eb BE. Dhe gatishm\u00ebria jon\u00eb p\u00ebr ndihm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme.<\/p>\n

As ne gjerman\u00ebt nuk e kemi dh\u00ebn\u00eb vet\u00eb dhe me forcat tona kontributin ton\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr rind\u00ebrtim n\u00eb gjasht\u00eb deceniet e fundit. Ky kontribut nuk do t\u00eb ishte i mundsh\u00ebm pa ndihm\u00ebn e fuqive fitimtare per\u00ebndimore, pa integrimin ton\u00eb n\u00eb bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb evropiane dhe n\u00eb aleanc\u00ebn atlantike, jo pa ndihmat e fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb, jo pa ndryshimet politike n\u00eb Lindje t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs s\u00eb Mesme dhe jo pa fundin e diktatur\u00ebs komuniste. Ne gjerman\u00ebt kemi arsye t\u00eb jemi mir\u00ebnjoh\u00ebs. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht ne kemi obligim q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjemi dinjitetsh\u00ebm solidaritetit q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebrjetuar p\u00ebrmes solidaritetit ton\u00eb ndaj fqinj\u00ebve tan\u00eb!<\/p>\n

T\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj synimi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore dhe synimi p\u00ebr prestigj politik bot\u00ebror do t\u00eb ishin mjaft t\u00eb padobishme, ndoshta edhe t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme. Sidoqoft\u00eb, bashk\u00ebpunimi i ngusht\u00eb me Franc\u00ebn dhe me Polonin\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb domosdoshme, po ashtu me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt tan\u00eb dhe partner\u00ebt n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sipas bindjes sime \u00ebsht\u00eb interes kardinal, afatgjat\u00eb dhe strategjik i Gjermanis\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos izolohet dhe t\u00eb mos lejoj\u00eb t\u00eb izolohet. Nj\u00eb izolim brenda Per\u00ebndimit do t\u00eb ishte i rreziksh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb izolim brenda Bashkimit Evropian dhe eurozon\u00ebs do t\u00eb ishte tep\u00ebr i rreziksh\u00ebm. P\u00ebr mua ky interes i Gjermanis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb qartazi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb se \u00e7dolloj interesi taktik i t\u00eb gjitha partive politike.<\/p>\n

Politikan\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb dhe mediet gjermane e kan\u00eb p\u00ebr obligim dhe borxh q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bindje ta p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb vazhdimisht n\u00eb mendimin publik.<\/p>\n

Por kur dikush l\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se sot dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb do t\u00eb flitet gjermanisht; kur nj\u00eb minist\u00ebr i jasht\u00ebm gjerman mendon se paraqitjet e p\u00ebrshtatshme televizive n\u00eb Tripolis, n\u00eb Kajro apo n\u00eb Kabul na qenk\u00ebshin m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se kontaktet politike me Lisbon\u00ebn, me Madridin, me Varshav\u00ebn apo Prag\u00ebn, me Dublinin, Hag\u00ebn, Kopenhag\u00ebn apo Helsinkin; kur nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr mendon se duhet dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund \u201ctransfer-unionit\u201d evropian \u2013 at\u00ebher\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb tregim i muskujve q\u00eb shkakton d\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb fakt se Gjermania me decenie ka qen\u00eb shtet q\u00eb ka paguar p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt (pagues neto, v.j.)! Kemi mundur ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe e kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb nga koh\u00ebrat e Adenauerit. Dhe natyrisht Greqia, Portugalia apo Irlanda kan\u00eb qen\u00eb marr\u00ebs t\u00eb kontributeve neto.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb solidaritet klasa politike gjermane sot nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sa duhet e vet\u00ebdijshme. Por deri m\u00eb tani ky solidaritet vet\u00ebkuptohej. Po ashtu vet\u00ebkuptohet \u2013 dhe nga (samiti) i Lisbon\u00ebs parashihet edhe me Traktat \u2013 parimi i subvencionimit: at\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet nuk mund ta menaxhoj\u00eb vet\u00eb apo ta p\u00ebrballoj\u00eb, duhet ta marr\u00eb mbi vete Bashkimi Evropian.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga Plani i Schumanit kancelari Kondrad Adenauer nga instinkti i drejt\u00eb politik dhe kund\u00ebr rezistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Kurt Schumacherit dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb kund\u00ebr rezistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Lud\u00ebig Erhardit pranoi ofertat franceze. Adenauer e ka vler\u00ebsuar drejt interesin afatgjat\u00eb strategjik gjerman \u2013 p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr ndarjes s\u00eb vazhdueshme t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb! T\u00eb gjith\u00eb pasardh\u00ebsit e tij \u2013 Brandti, Schmidti, Kohli dhe Schr\u00f6deri \u2013 e kan\u00eb vazhduar politik\u00ebn integruese t\u00eb Adenauerit.<\/p>\n

Krejt taktikat e politik\u00ebs ditore, politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme, politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme nuk e kan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje interesin afatgjat\u00eb strategjik t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve. Prandaj t\u00eb gjith\u00eb fqinj\u00ebt tan\u00eb dhe partner\u00ebt me dekada kan\u00eb mundur t\u00eb llogarisin n\u00eb konsistenc\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs evropiane gjermane \u2013 pa marr\u00eb parasysh nd\u00ebrrimet e qeverive. Ky kontinuitet k\u00ebrkohet edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

Gjendja e tanishme n\u00eb BE k\u00ebrkon energji vepruese<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kontributet konceptuale gjermane kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebkuptueshme. K\u00ebshtu duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Por ne nuk duhet t\u00eb anticipojm\u00eb ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e larg\u00ebt. Ndryshimet e Traktatit (t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, v.j.) edhe ashtu mund t\u2019i korrigjojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebrisht faktet e krijuara, harresat dhe gabimet e b\u00ebra para 20 vitesh n\u00eb Maastricht. Propozimet e tanishme p\u00ebr ndryshimin e Traktatit ekzistuese t\u00eb Lisbon\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt mua m\u00eb duken pak t\u00eb dobishme, n\u00ebse kujtojm\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb e deritanishme sa i p\u00ebrket ratifikimit t\u00eb gjithansh\u00ebm nacional \u2013 ose referendumet me epilog negativ.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, pajtohem me presidentin italian, Napolitano, kur ai n\u00eb tetor n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim mbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebs k\u00ebrkoi q\u00eb ne sot t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohemi n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb sot \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb b\u00ebhet. Dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb shterim mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb na i ofron Traktati n\u00eb fuqi e BE-s\u00eb \u2013 sidomos sa i p\u00ebrket fuqizimit t\u00eb rregullave buxhetore dhe politik\u00ebs ekonomike n\u00eb eurozon\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kriza aktuale e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar e organeve t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian t\u00eb krijuara n\u00eb Lisbon\u00eb nuk guxon t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb me vite! Me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb Bank\u00ebs Qendrore Evropiane organet tjera \u2013 Parlamenti Evropian, K\u00ebshilli Evropian, Komisioni i Brukselit dhe K\u00ebshillat Ministrore \u2013 q\u00eb prej tejkalimit t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs akute bankare m\u00eb 2008 dhe sidomos q\u00eb nga kriza pasuese e borxheve shtet\u00ebrore kan\u00eb krijuar pak instrumente efektive ndihm\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr tejkalimin e kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb tanishme t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk ekziston nj\u00eb recet\u00eb e patentuar. K\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerren disa hapa, pjes\u00ebrisht nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, pjes\u00ebrisht nj\u00ebri pas tjetrit. Nuk do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet vet\u00ebm aft\u00ebsi gjykimi dhe energji, por edhe durim! Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast kontributet konceptuale gjermane nuk duhet t\u00eb kufizohen n\u00eb slogane. Ato nuk duhet t\u00eb prezantohen n\u00eb pazarin e televizioneve, por n\u00eb konfidenc\u00eb dhe n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb organeve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Me at\u00eb rast ne gjerman\u00ebt nuk guxojm\u00eb q\u00eb rendin ton\u00eb ekonomik dhe social, por as sistemin ton\u00eb federal apo legjislacionin ton\u00eb buxhetor dhe financiar t\u2019ua prezantojm\u00eb partner\u00ebve tan\u00eb evropian\u00eb si model apo si shkall\u00eb mat\u00ebse, por vet\u00ebm si shembuj mes disa mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb sot b\u00ebn Gjermania apo nuk b\u00ebn ne t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bartim p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ndikimet e ardhshme n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb na duhet racionaliteti evropian. Por neve nuk na duhet vet\u00ebm racionaliteti, por po ashtu edhe nj\u00eb zem\u00ebr q\u00eb bashk\u00ebndjen p\u00ebr fqinj\u00ebt dhe partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme un\u00eb pajtohem me J\u00fcrgen Habermasin, i cili s\u00eb fundi foli p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u201c…ne me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb tani p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb po p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb nj\u00eb kufizim t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb!\u201d. N\u00eb fakt jo vet\u00ebm K\u00ebshilli Evropian p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb presidentin e tij, po ashtu edhe Komisioni Evropian p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb presidentin e tij, pastaj k\u00ebshillat e ndryshme ministrore dhe gjith\u00eb burokracia e Brukselit s\u00eb bashku e kan\u00eb hedhur anash parimin demokratik! Kur aplikuam zgjedhjen e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Parlamentit Evropian un\u00eb rash\u00eb pre e gabimit se k\u00ebshtu Parlamenti do t\u2019i krijonte vetit pesh\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ai deri m\u00eb tani nuk ka ushtruar ndonj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb ballafaqim me kriz\u00ebn, sepse k\u00ebshillimet dhe vendimet e tij deri m\u00eb tani nuk kan\u00eb pasur efekt publik.<\/p>\n

Prandaj dua t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb thirrje Martin Schulzit (udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs i fraksionit socialdemokrat n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian, v.j.): \u00ebsht\u00eb koha e fundit q\u00eb ju dhe koleg\u00ebt tuaj demokristian\u00eb, socialist\u00eb, liberal\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjelb\u00ebr, q\u00eb s\u00eb bashku, por n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb drastike t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoheni n\u00eb publik. Ndoshta si fush\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kryengritje t\u00eb Parlamentit Evropian s\u00ebrish ofrohet mbik\u00ebqyrja e bankave, bursave dhe instrumenteve t\u00eb tyre financiare, pasi q\u00eb kjo mbik\u00ebqyrje mbeti e pamjaftueshme q\u00eb nga samiti i G20 n\u00eb vitin 2008.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt disa dhjet\u00ebra-mij\u00ebra akter\u00eb financash n\u00eb SHBA dhe Evrop\u00eb, krahas tyre disa Agjenci Rangimi, i kan\u00eb marr\u00eb peng qeverit\u00eb politikisht p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Nuk mund t\u00eb pritet q\u00eb Barack Obama do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb shum\u00eb kund\u00ebr tyre. E nj\u00ebjta vlen p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb britanike. V\u00ebrtet qeverit\u00eb e gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebs n\u00eb vitet 2008\/09 me garanci dhe me para t\u00eb tatimpaguesve i kan\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar bankat. Por q\u00eb nga viti 2010 kjo kope e menaxher\u00ebve tep\u00ebr inteligjent\u00eb dhe, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm ndaj psikozave po luajn\u00eb loj\u00ebn e vjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr profite dhe bonuse. Nj\u00eb loj\u00eb hazarder\u00ebsh n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb nuk luajn\u00eb, e t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Marion D\u00f6nhoff (editore e ndjer\u00eb e gazet\u00ebs \u201cDie Zeit\u201d, v.j.), dhe un\u00eb qysh n\u00eb vitet \u201990 e kemi kritikuar si t\u00eb rrezikshme p\u00ebr jet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse nuk d\u00ebshiron askush t\u00eb veproj\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit e valut\u00ebs euro. Si rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohet neni 20 i Traktatit aktual t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nga Lisbona. Aty shprehimisht parashihet q\u00eb nj\u00eb apo disa shtete an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u201cmes vete t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm\u201d. Sidoqoft\u00eb shtetet q\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb valut\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropiane euro do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb s\u00eb bashku t\u00eb rregullojn\u00eb tregjet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta financiare. Prej ndarjes mes bankave te zakonshme dhe, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, bankave investuese dhe n\u00eb hije deri te ndalimi i shitjeve fantazm\u00eb t\u00eb aksioneve, deri te ndalimi i tregtis\u00eb me letra me vler\u00eb (derivativa) derisa ato nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb lejuara nga mbik\u00ebqyrja zyrtare e bursave \u2013 dhe deri te kufizimi efektiv i bizneseve t\u00eb Agjencive t\u00eb Rangimit deri m\u00eb tani t\u00eb pambik\u00ebqyrura, biznese k\u00ebto q\u00eb prekin eurozon\u00ebn. Zonja e zot\u00ebrinj, nuk dua t\u2019ju ngarkoj m\u00eb shum\u00eb me holl\u00ebsi t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht lobi i globalizuar i bankave s\u00ebrish do t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb gjitha levat kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj. Ai deri m\u00eb tani ka penguar t\u00eb gjitha rregullimet thelb\u00ebsore. P\u00ebr vete ata e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme q\u00eb kopeja e tregtar\u00ebve t\u2019i sjell\u00eb qeverit\u00eb evropiane n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb detyrueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpikur \u201combrella shp\u00ebtuese\u201d \u2013 dhe t\u2019i zgjeroj\u00eb ato me \u201cleva\u201d (lloj borxhi, v.j.). Ka ardhur koha q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohet. N\u00ebse evropian\u00ebt demonstrojn\u00eb guxim dhe fuqi p\u00ebr rregullime thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb tregut financiar, at\u00ebher\u00eb ne n\u00eb aspektin afatmes\u00ebm mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi zon\u00eb e stabilitetit. N\u00ebse d\u00ebshtojm\u00eb k\u00ebtu, at\u00ebher\u00eb pesha e Evrop\u00ebs do t\u00eb dob\u00ebsohet m\u00eb tutje \u2013 dhe bota do t\u00eb zhvillohet n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb duumviratit mes \u00cbashingtonit dhe Pekinit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt t\u00eb eurozon\u00ebs mbesin t\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm t\u00eb gjith\u00eb hapat deri m\u00eb tani t\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar dhe t\u00eb menduar. K\u00ebtu hyjn\u00eb fondet shp\u00ebtuese, limitet e hyrjes n\u00eb borxhe dhe kontrolli i tyre, nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ekonomike dhe fiskale, pastaj nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb reformash nacionale t\u00eb politikave tatimore, shpenzuese, socialpolitike dhe t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit. Gjithsesi e pashmangshme do t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb hyrje e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb borxhe. Ne gjerman\u00ebt nuk guxojm\u00eb ta refuzojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb nga egoizmi nacional.<\/p>\n

Por ne po ashtu nuk guxojm\u00eb assesi t\u00eb propagandojm\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb ekstreme deflacioni p\u00ebr mbar\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn. Jacques Delors ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb kur k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb me konsolidimin e buxheteve t\u00eb nisin dhe financohen, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, edhe projekte q\u00eb do t\u00eb nxisin rritjen ekonomike. Pa rritje ekonomike, pa vende t\u00eb reja pune asnj\u00eb shtet nuk mund t\u00eb konsolidoj\u00eb buxhetin. Kush beson se Evropa mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebndoshet p\u00ebrmes shkurtimeve buxhetore, ai m\u00eb s\u00eb miri le ta studioj\u00eb efektin fatal t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb deflacionit t\u00eb Heinrich Br\u00fcningut n\u00eb vitet 1930\/32. Ajo shkaktoi depresion dhe nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb paduruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb papun\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, fundosjen e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb par\u00eb gjermane.<\/p>\n

Miqve t\u00eb mi<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr fund, miq t\u00eb dashur! N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb socialdemokrat\u00ebve nuk duhet t\u2019u predikohet aq shum\u00eb solidariteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Sepse socialdemokracia gjermane qysh prej nj\u00eb shekulli e gjysm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e orientuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht \u2013 n\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se gjeneratat e liberaleve, konservativ\u00ebve apo komb\u00ebtarist\u00ebve gjerman\u00eb. Ne socialdemokrat\u00ebt nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kemi ngulur k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb lirin\u00eb dhe dinjitetin e \u00e7do njeriu. Ne po ashtu nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kemi ngulur k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese, parlamentare. K\u00ebto vlera themelore na obligojn\u00eb neve sot p\u00ebr solidaritet evropian.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht Evropa edhe n\u00eb shekullin 21 do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga shtetet komb\u00ebtare, secili me gjuh\u00ebn e vet dhe me historin\u00eb e vet. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye Evropa nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shtet federal. Por Bashkimi Evropian nuk guxon t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm si bashk\u00ebsi shtetesh. Bashkimi Evropian duhet t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb union dinamik n\u00eb zhvillim. N\u00eb gjith\u00eb historin\u00eb e njer\u00ebzimit p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk ka shembull. Ne socialdemokrat\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb kontribuojm\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillimin hap pas hapi t\u00eb k\u00ebtij unioni.<\/p>\n

Sa m\u00eb i moshuar t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb mendon n\u00eb horizonte t\u00eb larg\u00ebta kohore. Edhe si plak un\u00eb ende k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguli n\u00eb tri vlera themelore t\u00eb Programit t\u00eb Godesbergut (emri i nj\u00eb lagjeje t\u00eb Bonnit, ku m\u00eb 1959 SPD miratoi programin q\u00eb e shnd\u00ebrroi partin\u00eb prej n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje socialiste t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb parti popullore, v.j.): liri, drejt\u00ebsi, solidaritet. P\u00ebrndryshe me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast un\u00eb sot kujtoj se drejt\u00ebsi dometh\u00ebn\u00eb para s\u00eb gjithash shanse t\u00eb barabarta p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, nx\u00ebn\u00ebsit dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Kur shikoj prapa n\u00eb vitin 1945 ose kur mund t\u00eb shikoj\u00eb prapa n\u00eb vitin 1933 \u2013 at\u00ebbot\u00eb un\u00eb sapo i kisha mbushur 14 vjet -, at\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrparimi q\u00eb kemi arritur deri m\u00eb sot m\u00eb duket pothuaj i pabesuesh\u00ebm. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrparimi, t\u00eb cilin evropian\u00ebt e kan\u00eb arritur q\u00eb nga Plani Marshall m\u00eb 1948, q\u00eb nga Plani i Schumanit m\u00eb 1959, fal\u00eb Lech \u00cbalesas dhe l\u00ebvizjes Solidarnosz, fal\u00eb Vaclav Havelit dhe Kart\u00ebs 77, fal\u00eb atyre gjerman\u00ebve n\u00eb Leipzig dhe Berlinin lindor q\u00eb nga kthesa e madhe m\u00eb 1989\/90.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse sot pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e Evrop\u00ebs i g\u00ebzohet t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe paqes, at\u00ebher\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ne nuk kemi mundur ta marrim me mend as m\u00eb 1918, as m\u00eb 1933, as m\u00eb 1945. T\u00eb punojm\u00eb, pra, dhe t\u00eb luftojm\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb Bashkimi Evropian, historikisht i pap\u00ebrs\u00ebritsh\u00ebm, t\u00eb largohet nga dob\u00ebsia aktuale i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe me vet\u00ebbesim!<\/p>\n

Nga gjermanishtja:
\nEnver Robelli<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Helmut Schmidt, 20 janar 2012 K\u00ebt\u00eb material ma ka d\u00ebrguar Enver Robelli. \u00cbsht\u00eb fjalimi i ish-kancelarit gjerman Helmut Schmidt n\u00eb Kongresin e Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, mbajtur n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb dhjetorit. Robelli ka b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb sintez\u00eb p\u00ebr hyrje: \u201cN\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme Gjermania nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vend \u201cnormal\u201d. Kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj flet […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-11623","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-artikuj"},"yoast_head":"\nKur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sq_AL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nga Helmut Schmidt, 20 janar 2012 K\u00ebt\u00eb material ma ka d\u00ebrguar Enver Robelli. \u00cbsht\u00eb fjalimi i ish-kancelarit gjerman Helmut Schmidt n\u00eb Kongresin e Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, mbajtur n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb dhjetorit. Robelli ka b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb sintez\u00eb p\u00ebr hyrje: \u201cN\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme Gjermania nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vend \u201cnormal\u201d. Kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj flet […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2012-01-22T16:00:21+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/2012\/helmut_schmidt.jpg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"admin\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"31 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"admin\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2\"},\"headline\":\"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal?\",\"datePublished\":\"2012-01-22T16:00:21+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":6195,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.shkoder.net\\\/2012\\\/helmut_schmidt.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Artikuj\"],\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/\",\"name\":\"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.shkoder.net\\\/2012\\\/helmut_schmidt.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2012-01-22T16:00:21+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.shkoder.net\\\/2012\\\/helmut_schmidt.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.shkoder.net\\\/2012\\\/helmut_schmidt.jpg\"},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal?\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/\",\"name\":\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\",\"description\":\"Arkivi 2009-2015\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#organization\",\"name\":\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\",\"url\":\"\",\"contentUrl\":\"\",\"caption\":\"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\"}},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2\",\"name\":\"admin\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"sq-AL\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2012\\\/02\\\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2012\\\/02\\\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2012\\\/02\\\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg\",\"caption\":\"admin\"},\"description\":\"Admin, Fjala e Lir\u00eb\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/\"],\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/fjala.info\\\/2009-2015\\\/author\\\/admin\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/","og_locale":"sq_AL","og_type":"article","og_title":"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","og_description":"Nga Helmut Schmidt, 20 janar 2012 K\u00ebt\u00eb material ma ka d\u00ebrguar Enver Robelli. \u00cbsht\u00eb fjalimi i ish-kancelarit gjerman Helmut Schmidt n\u00eb Kongresin e Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, mbajtur n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb dhjetorit. Robelli ka b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb sintez\u00eb p\u00ebr hyrje: \u201cN\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme Gjermania nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vend \u201cnormal\u201d. Kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj flet […]","og_url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/","og_site_name":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","article_published_time":"2012-01-22T16:00:21+00:00","og_image":[{"url":"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/2012\/helmut_schmidt.jpg","type":"","width":"","height":""}],"author":"admin","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"admin","Est. reading time":"31 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/"},"author":{"name":"admin","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2"},"headline":"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal?","datePublished":"2012-01-22T16:00:21+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/"},"wordCount":6195,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/2012\/helmut_schmidt.jpg","articleSection":["Artikuj"],"inLanguage":"sq-AL","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/","name":"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal? - FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/2012\/helmut_schmidt.jpg","datePublished":"2012-01-22T16:00:21+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"sq-AL","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"sq-AL","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#primaryimage","url":"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/2012\/helmut_schmidt.jpg","contentUrl":"http:\/\/www.shkoder.net\/2012\/helmut_schmidt.jpg"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/kur-do-te-behet-gjermania-shtet-normal\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Kur do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Gjermania shtet normal?"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#website","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/","name":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","description":"Arkivi 2009-2015","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"sq-AL"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#organization","name":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"sq-AL","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"","contentUrl":"","caption":"FjALA e LIR\u00cb - Arkivi"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"}},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/#\/schema\/person\/3aa1163ef05469c496fc94e77611ada2","name":"admin","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"sq-AL","@id":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg","url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/02\/arben_cokaj-120x150.jpg","caption":"admin"},"description":"Admin, Fjala e Lir\u00eb","sameAs":["https:\/\/fjala.info\/"],"url":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/author\/admin\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11623","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11623"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11623\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11623"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11623"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fjala.info\/2009-2015\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11623"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}